Ian Kirby’s accent, stuck between the distance shores of the proverbial English Lord of the Manor and Afrikaner intonations prevalent among those Africans of European origin permeates the nuanced corridors of the judiciary, causing reverberations across the social, economic and political spheres with the impact of his judgements.
Soft spoken, his judgements have loud effects, he speaks slowly, almost monotone. But a man of Kirby’s profile needs not speak either fast or loudly. Court of Appeal President Kirby has been close to the ruling family for almost half a century, and his sheer influence is coming into sharp relief as his bosom friend and strategic partner comes towards the twilight of his presidency. Khama and Kirby have a symbiotic relationship, the former exercises his presidential powers to protect the interests of the latter and the latter in exchange uses his judicial powers to protect and help project the presidential powers of the former.
Throughout the history of this relationship one can see example upon example where Ian made good on Ian’s interests. The man from South Rhodesia does have judgments that matter. Take the LGBT one. But Kirby’s critics say seldom does Kirby make judgments in cases that really matter in the realm of legal political philosophy. It is said what Kirby does is scratch the soft fur of the elite expertly, just right, hard enough to give that pleasurable pain, but never so hard as to hurt.
This week Defence Minister Kgathi wrestled into parliament a small but humongous document called the Court of Appeal (Amendment) Bill 2017. There are various schools of thought as to what Kgathi is attempting to achieve. There are those who argue that Kgathi is attempting to align laws with the recent judgment by Justice Abednico Tafa. The other school of thought is that he is merely trying to outmanoeuvre the judiciary, by giving legitimacy to the Executive’s move to regain control of the judiciary. The more extreme position holds that Kgathi is but an instrument, a willing accomplice, in the execution of something more sinister, the attempt by President Khama to protect a man seen as one of his closest allies Kirby, by increasing the retirement age of judges so that the aging Kirby can stay in his position.
The utility of Kirby lies in his superior position in the judicial structure and his willingness to assert the primacy of the executive generally, the presidency specifically when it is challenged in a manner that to pass judgement otherwise would undermine executive authority; as exemplified by such major cases from the Motswaledi case to the Public Strike of 2011 to the Public Sector Bargaining Council.
Seen through this prism then the appointment of Kirby to Judge President was a stroke of genius from the military man. To understand the strategic importance of Kirby one has to look at the most important cases he has had to preside over and how his judgments ultimately worked for Khama. But of course before you get to that, you have to explore the historical relationship between both Ians, after all Khama’s leadership is based on loyalty to those with whom he has a historical personal relationship. Media reports have maintained that Kirby is a friend of Khama’s and this has never been denied by either. In fact Kirby’s involvement with the Khama family comes from way back.
In the 1980s, Kirby was a senior partner in Kirby, Helfer and Khama law firm, alongside Doreen Khama nee Mmusi. Doreen was married to the late Mphoeng Khama, the youngest son of Tshekedi Khama, an uncle to Ian Khama’s father, Seretse Khama. Thus the late Mphoeng was Seretse’s cousin.
The law firm was engaged in major work representing “the who is who” of the post-colonial Botswana. The law firm represented founding president and Ian Khama’s father Seretse Khama. This became the foundation for future work with major businesses and individuals in the modern era. Personally Ian Khama and Kirby share similar passions, among them love for wildlife. Kirby owns Mokolodi. Both Kirby and Ian Khama are on the board of trustees of Mokolodi Nature Reserve. The President is a patron, while Kirby is deputy chairperson of the board.
In 2010 Khama sought to localise the Court of Appeal. The strategic position in the highest court in the land could not be overestimated. The Court of Appeal had been in existence since 1966, as established by the Constitution but Khama sought something more formal, rather than ad hoc Court, and answered the growing calls for localisation with a crucial citizen appointment, the Constitution and the Court of Appeal Act established a powerful institution and at its head Khama installed Kirby.
Being president of the Court of Appeal meant Kirby would be the most powerful man in the judiciary alongside the Chief Justice (CJ). Where the CJ would be senior in administrative authority, Kirby would be senior where it matters, when it comes to the cases coming through from down below. Kirby as Court of Appeal President could insert himself on any case, at the final stages of any judicial process where his say would be final. Both the Chief Justice and Court of Appeal President are appointed by the President of the Republic. Historically the constitution puts the Chief Justice as the head of the judiciary.
The Chief Justice convenes the body that proposes the appointment of judges to the President, the Judicial Services Commission. As can be seen in the recent cases of the procedure for the appointment and suspension of judges, the process of their appointment of judges is hardly opaque. In practice, if a case goes through the lower courts and does not find a proper solution or closure, Kirby ultimately has the final say. At the time when Khama appointed Kirby to the highest position in the judicial structure there were judges in the judiciary such as Dibotelo who were senior to Kirby but Khama overlooked them.
Kirby is the only Judicial Officer to ever jump from Executive (Deputy AG) to judiciary (High Court), to Executive (AG) and then back to Judiciary as a judge of Appeal and becoming the President of the Court of Appeal in 2010. Kirby was deputy Attorney General under then AG Phandu Skelemani. He was appointed to the High Court as a judge, pulled back from his High Court position to become Attorney General at a time when The Attorney Generals Chambers was in need of drastic reformation. He returned to judiciary as a judge before being promoted to his current position in 2010
The movement between the office of the Attorney General and the High Court and back again drew criticism at the time from the legal fraternity who queried the overlap between the executive and the judiciary, likening it to a cross wire between the two organs, a transgression of the hallowed separation of powers.
Kirby’s ascension to the bench was not without its own drama. He is said to have negotiated special terms for himself, which incensed other members of the judiciary. For example, Kirby according to his contract, could not be transferred from Lobatse unlike other High Court judges. Furthermore his conditions of service were superior. Other high court judges took exception to Kirby’s special terms and sought to have their own conditions adjusted. Faced with a court case, the executive decided to make out-of-court settlements with Unity Dow and Dibotelo.
Tafa in his judgement last week stated that contractual issues between Judges and the Executive could be perceived as “benefits” which would undermine public confidence in the judiciary. This does not augur well for the independence of the court from executive influence.
Perhaps the most important case in the entire Khama presidency would have to be the Motswaledi saga. When the case reached the High Court, a panel of three judges among them Kirby was appointed to hear the case after another High Court Justice Key Dingake was mysteriously removed from hearing the case. Dingake had been allocated the case per the court system. Motswaledi lawyers moved to have Kirby recuse himself pointing to the personal relationship between Kirby and Khama. Kirby refused. The judgment by Kirby with Julian Nganunu and Isaac Lesetedi concluded that Motswaledi could not challenge Khama’s decision making within the Botswana Democratic Party, arguing that Khama as president enjoyed blanket immunity from any legal challenge.
“In summary therefore, the constitution has granted to a sitting President of the Republic of Botswana immunity against criminal prosecution for all activities done both in his private and official capacities. The same, provision, in the second part also grants him total immunity against civil suits in his private capacity. Such immunity is total and not relative. It is granted in the form of prohibition-in a mandatory fashion-not to allow prosecution and suits covered by immunity” they concluded in a case that led ultimately to the departure of a substantial portion of the ruling party to found the opposition Botswana Movement for Democracy.
Kirby has heard and influenced the hearing of a number of cases that have had major implications for Khama. Kirby’s legal philosophy on matters that seek to shake the power structure of the ruling elite seems to be one that enforces and promotes a lack of separation of power. That the ruling elite are entitled to exercise power and that a challenge to such power is synonymous with disturbing the very foundation of the society.
Legal minds have criticized this philosophy as geared to protect and project Executive power as represented by the presidency. Kirby’s interpretation of the constitution places the primacy of the executive at the centre of national existence. In his latest speech during the opening of the legal year Kirby castigated those who sought to challenge the power of the Executive, including the trade unions and opposition parties.
Kirby’s speech was widely criticized for what members of the public saw as an attempt to protect the Executive, and assert its authority over both the judiciary and Parliament. “Justice Kirby is wrong to say in Botswana there is no separation of power as if to imply that in South Africa the Constitution has a provision labelled separation of power. Separation of power is a common law principle distilled from the fact that there are three [3] branches of government being the Judiciary, Legislature and Executive. In Botswana like in America or South Africa, there is Judiciary, Legislature and Executive. In South Africa and Botswana, unlike in America, Ministers are members of the National Assembly” argued BOFEPUSU Secretary General Ketlhalefile Motshegwa in an opinion published in the daily Mmegi.
The judgment by Tafa puts further relief the special position Kirby occupies. According to the constitution, and indeed the legal position of the applicants in the case, the Manual Workers Union, is that a judge on a fixed contract cannot be reappointed. Tafa upheld this position as well others with consequences for both Khama and Kirby. Tafa declared that the appointment of Isaac Lesetedi, Monametsi Gaongalelwe, John Foxcroft, John Cameron, Arthur Hamilton and Craig Howie were invalid in that the President had no right to reappoint them to the bench, “The applicants have locus standi to bring this application before court.
The constitution does not permit the President to exercise discretion as to whether or not to reappoint a Justice of Appeal,” he said. The judgement follows a challenge by the National Amalgamated Local and Central Government and Parastatal Workers’ Union (NALCGPWU) against President Ian Khama on his appointment of the CoA Judges. The Union argued that no Judge should be reappointed on a fixed term contract after the expiry of the first. The Union had taken Khama to court challenging the appointment of the initially seven CoA Judges. At the time, the now late Elijah Legwaila was one of the appointees before he resigned from the bench.
Additionally the Union was also challenging the constitutional validity of Section 4 of the CoA Act in so far as it delegates, to the President, Parliament’s constitutional powers to determine the number of Justices. Tafa explained that the appointment of the Judges by the Executive was unconstitutional, maintaining that Section 4 of the CoA Act was constitutionally invalid due to the abrogation of parliament’s responsibility to set the number of judges. Tafa therefore struck down section 4 of the Court of Appeal Act. He said he was in agreement with the manual workers union’s contention that a Judicial independence and impartiality were deeply held values entrenched in the Constitution. Khama urgently sought to stay the Order issued as a result of the judgment, but Tafa turned that down as well.
As a result of the Judgement, Minister of Defence Justice and Security on Friday gazetted a draft of the Court of Appeal (Amendment) Bill, 2017 which he said was tailored to specifically address Tafa’s judgment and act in compliance with it. The problem is that Kgathi’s Bill attempts to do more than just comply with the Order, and in a way serves undermine the impact of Tafa’s judgment rather than give it effect. Kgathi wants to change the retirement age of judges in order to avoid the prohibited renewal of contracts. Kgathi offers no rationale for this new move to increase the retirement age, leaving those armed with a historical context to read through his decision-making.
Tafa’s judgment has the impact of precluding Kirby from ever getting another contract from Khama, both from the point of ruling out renewal of contract and from an age limitation point of view. Only the change of retirement age would enable Khama to save Kirby.
This Wednesday afternoon the leader of opposition Duma Boko gathered a group of lawyers to brief opposition MPs on the implications of the Tafa judgment and consequently, Kgathi’s proposed Bill. Lawyers Tshiamo Rantao, Mboki Chilisa and Osego Garebamono raised concerns about the Bill, but even in his absence Kirby was present. To Boko it is clear what this is about. “This is for Kirby” opined Boko. The inadvertent genius of Tafa’s judgment is that it provides a special problem for both Khama and Kirby in a way neither Ian can assist his namesake.