The formation of the BDF was a contested issue, but in the end the hawks led by Seretse Khama’s family members, wife Ruth and son Ian Khama, won the day. Whether Khama’s decision to form a defence force was part of a grand plan to put his sons at the centre of the multi-billion Pula deals is not clear; what remains true is that the first President was instrumental in installing his son to the apex of the defence establishment, while the son in turn, developed the BDF in a way that his two brothers could benefit from the procurement deals flowing from his free spending military strategy, write TSHIRELETSO MOTLOGELWA and MATTEO CIVILLINI. In cooperation with European military suppliers, the Khamas for a number of decades became the middlemen in deals between the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) and weapons manufacturers, clinching deals amounting to hundreds of millions of Pula for decades.
There is a story told of a meeting sometime in July 1976, just a year before the Parliament of Botswana passed the Botswana Defence Force Act, and founded the army. The President Seretse Khama and his entourage were on an official trip to China, and staying on a little island off the coast. President Khama met his senior civil servants, among them then Permanent Secretary in Office of the President Phillip Steenkamp, Permanent Secretary in Ministry of Finance Festus Mogae, Charles Tibone, Simon Hirschfield, also a member of the Police Unit and a few others. The President wanted to gather views on whether Botswana had to formally establish a defence force.
In attendance were also family members; President’s wife Ruth Williams Khama, eldest son and bodyguard Deputy Commissioner, Ian Khama of the Police Mobile Unit.
There were two schools of thought, the pro-defence force, and the anti-defence force group. The hawks, it is said, were led by Lady Khama, whose father had been an Army Captain and her son Ian, a then fresh graduate of the British military school, Sandhurst Military College.
Security wise the country was in a very precarious situation. Ten years after Independence from Britain, the small southern African country was surrounded by White minority rule governments, hostile not just to nationalist African liberation movements in their own boundaries, but the small newly independent country under Black rule just across the border. To the north was Southern Rhodesia (Now Zimbabwe), then South West Africa (Namibia) and to the south (Apartheid South Africa). The Apartheid regime was implementing a violent clamp down on liberation movements. The hawks in the group led by Ian Khama and his mother strongly believed that Botswana needed a standing defence force, and urgently.
On the other hand were the doves, or more specifically the pragmatists, those who believed that while the security of the country was paramount, it was possible to chart the choppy waters of regional co-existence diplomatically and furthermore that if the country had to have an army it could only be one that could challenge the military might of South Africa or Rhodesia. They reasoned that, any other army would not just be symbolic but would be unhelpful. They believed that any offensive military posture could play into the hands of the White minority government in the volatile southern African region, who held a grudge against the country, for harbouring liberation fighters from their countries. They rather preferred a small force to handle any local insurrection.
“We believed that unless you were going to build an army that would defeat South Africa or South Rhodesia, or both, it was not worth it,” explained one of the few living survivors from that meeting. After the discussion, Seretse Khama released his team of civil servants and said he would call them back later in the evening to announce his decision. Hours later they were summoned to the President’s residence. “A decision has been made,” the affable President said. The hawks had won – the country would found the Botswana Defence Force. The next year, the Government passed the piece of law formally establishing the country’s defence force.
Khama, also a prince in the Bangwato tribe, was appointed Deputy Commander, and his tribal subject Mompati Merafhe became Commander.
Khama, also a prince in the Bangwato tribe, was appointed Deputy Commander, and his tribal subject Mompati Merafhe became Commander. The formation of the BDF became a golden goose for the Khama family when Ian Khama dominated the leadership of the army as Deputy and later as Commander, escalating the country’s defence spending to some of the highest levels in the world, and thereby helping bring in millions for his younger brothers Anthony and Tshekedi who became the go to-agents for Western military suppliers.
Whether Khama’s decision to form a defence force was part of a grand plan to put his sons at the centre of the multi-billion Pula deals is not clear, what remains true is that the first President was instrumental in installing his son to the apex of the defence establishment, while the son in turn, developed the BDF in a way that his two brothers could benefit from the procurement deals flowing from his free spending military strategy.
This investigation reveals how the Khamas, with the help of some European defence manufacturing companies, managed to put a stranglehold over the multi-billion Pula BDF procurement systems, helping the family line their pockets, over the four decades the family has been at the top of the country’s political structure.
But also this story is about how a country, often branded as a perfect example of a corruption free African country since independence, always had a soft underbelly of corruption. This investigation puts a spanner in the works of the squeaky clean international image that the country, and indeed its ruling elite led by the Khama family, has developed over the years.
A mere 28 years after Seretse Khama, the first president of Botswana passed away, Lieutenant Seretse Khama Ian Khama, Seretse’s son moved into the State House, a climax of a journey that had seen father become founding president, son become deputy commander of armed forces, and ultimately son becoming commander, vice president and president of the country his father founded.
Ian was born on February 27th 1953 during his parents’ exile in England. The drama surrounding Khama’s controversial marriage to Briton Ruth Williams was at its most dramatic. Khama, having married a white woman was facing opposition from South Africa’s white minority rule, while the liberals in England campaigned for his freedom as an assertion of his human rights. While these supporters were somewhat prepared to compromise and have him return to Botswana as a private citizen, his Bangwato supporters in Serowe wanted something bigger than that; his return to the throne which was being contested for. And for his part Seretse was not interested in being chief, while sections of the tribe wanted him as nothing else.
Khama and his family flew out of England for Botswana when Ian Khama was but a nursery school student. There was no nursery to attend so he stayed home while his older sister Jacqueline attended an all-white school. He was attended to by royal servants and helpers. After stints in a Rhodesian school Ian Khama joined the boarding school of Waterford Kamhlaba in Mbabane, Swaziland. Waterford is a member of a group of schools with campuses across the world.
Ian Khama returned to Botswana in 1973, finding his father already the founding President of a country that had taken independence from Britain just five years earlier.
It remains a mystery whether Ian Khama completed his High School qualifications or not but in 1970 a 17-year-old Ian Khama left Waterford. He spent time after High School in a sort of academic lull. Reports say he went to Geneva the following year to learn French, moving to London the following year. In 1972 Ian Khama joined the military college of Sandhurst. The school, established in 1947 gives preliminary training to military officers.
RMA Sandhurst was a product of the merger of the Royal Military Academy which prepared Artillery and Engineering officers and the Royal Military College. At some point it was the major training institution for entrance level military officers for the British Army.
Ian Khama returned to Botswana in 1973, finding his father already the founding President of a country that had taken independence from Britain just five years earlier. Ian Khama joined what was then called the Police Mobile Unit, the precursor to the BDF.
In his book The General – In The Service of my Country, founding Commander Merafhe recalls the encounter with then President – “Early April 1977, President Seretse Khama called me to his office and informed me that he had chosen me to head the soon-to-be established Botswana Defence Force. I was to be its Commander and I would hold the rank of Major General. My deputy was to be his first born son, Ian Khama, at the level of Brigadier. We were to take up office with immediate effect”.
About 123 men among them Merafhe and Ian Khama, were brought in to form the nucleus of what would be BDF. Both Merafhe and Khama were Bangwato men, the tribe that was dominant and does remain dominant in the political landscape of the country, and Khama, being of royal blood, was superior to Merafhe, at least in society. Under the two men BDF would become one of the most expensive organs of Government in the history of the country, at one point gobbling upwards of 4 per cent of GDP. (refer to table) The Khama brothers (through brothers Tshekedi and Anthony and their company Seleka Springs) as the most dominant agents for military equipment earned hundreds of millions over the more than four decades the two men have been active in the army, and later in political office.
Given that Merafhe and Khama largely agreed on which direction to take the BDF, Khama’s vice grip on the army’s spending processes came into effect long before he became the Commander. Both Merafhe and Khama, insiders say, believed in limitless military spending, and often only met opposition from a few opposition Members of Parliament (MPs).
The lack of transparency around the true financial figures expended on the army, made it impossible to establish accountability. While Merafhe remained ceremonial, Khama was known as the hands-on Deputy, who stayed close to the operations of the nascent force. He was assigned the tumultuous northern border with the South Rhodesia as a vote of confidence in him. What was clear was that Ian Khama, the son of the founding president, had a blank cheque on spending in the BDF, and his younger brothers, had unfettered access to the millions availed.
Writing in his autobiography veteran opposition politician, Motsamai Mpho remarked, “It is wrong that monies from the national treasury should be dished out to the BDF and forgotten. It is completely wrong that parliament does not know how much the BDF is spending”. One former cabinet Minister from the 70s and 80s says MPs did not have the basic knowledge of defense to mount any type of criticism against Khama and Merafhe’s spending.
A former senior official said the Khama-Merafhe axis had an entitlement that could not be challenged by anyone, not even the President. The reality is that Botswana was in a precarious security situation and the Khamas used that to convince politicians to spend, spend and spend on almost any piece of equipment they had agent agreements for.
The BDF could not match the strength of the regions military forces, as the doves had warned.
“The BDF lacked the training and experience to confront the Special Forces of its belligerent neighbours. This was made painfully clear in February 1978, less than a year after its founding. Responding to reports of a Rhodesian military incursion along Botswana’s north-eastern border near the village of Lesoma, a BDF-mounted patrol drove directly into a Rhodesian ambush, sustaining 15 dead,” explains military scholar and BDF expert, Dan Henk.
The Lesoma tragedy remains vivid in Botswana’s history as one of the worst tragedies ever.
The Lesoma tragedy remains vivid in Botswana’s history as one of the worst tragedies ever. Both Khama and Merafhe, former politicians have argued, used such tragedies as Lesoma and incursions of South African and Rhodesian soldiers into Botswana, as a scarecrow to politicians who wanted more accountability. A report from a team that investigated the attack, in possession of The Business Weekly & Review, chaired by then Brigadier Iphemele Kgokgothwane made an argument for more spending on the defence force. “There is a common misconception in the minds of decision-makers that money spent on defence is better utilised on infrastructural development of the nation. Also, advances in military technology compel a nation to forever keep abreast with the latest developments thus necessitating an increase in the defence outlay each year,” concluded the investigators.
“(Ian) brought a different leadership style and new priorities. Under Khama the BDF grew in leaps and bounds both in personnel and equipment. Like his predecessor, Khama was a strict disciplinarian, bordering on the puritanical. However he had the reputation of being a hands-on leader who cared about his troops, inspected frequently and fought successfully for troop benefits” said Henk.
Initially the BDF had problems procuring equipment from the developed world. “Both Britain and the US refused to sell arms and equipment without procedures of official and congressional vetting which would take months, if not years, to complete. Botswana therefore turned to the ready international market for arms and purchased Soviet weaponry, notably the AK-47 assault rifle, with which to equip its new troops” explain Parsons, Tlou and Henderson.
In the later years the BDF was able to get access to a much more efficient relationship with the military organisations of the West. Running a small army in that situation was not a breeze. “It was a huge responsibility but I had a vision of a disciplined army; effective, efficient, extremely capable but slim defence force and I did not want to compromise on these core values. I developed an officer corps that would reflect these values. When I was gone and looking back, I have not been disappointed,” Merafhe told Mmegi a few years ago.
Partnerships with United States, Canada and United Kingdom military afforded senior officers in the BDF high level training and Ian Khama was often part of the contingents that engaged in these courses. In 1989 Lieutenant General Merafhe left the BDF for politics and Ian became Commander. Ian Khama’s ascendance in the military was not without controversy with some critics pointing out that he was favoured as the son of the president. Although a favourite among men of the forces Ian was also largely seen as someone who was obsessed with military toys for which he could easily find funding as the first president’s son. Within the BDF, his critics saw him as someone who had his own people, a group of his favoured men who were beyond questioning.
Between 1989 and 2012, Seleka Springs acted as agents for several companies for the supply of specialised equipment, ammunition and spares.
The full extent of the Khama brothers’ control of military procurement started to emerge a few years ago when opposition MPs posed pointed questions on what really transpired those years when Khama was Commander. Member of Parliament (MP) for Gabane-Mmankgodi, Pius Mokgware earlier this year asked the Minister of Defence, Justice and Security to state the companies or organisations which Seleka Springs (Pty) represented as agents since 1989 to date for the supply of goods and services to Botswana Defence Force (BDF) and the Botswana Police Services (BPS). The MP further wanted to know the contracts and amounts awarded to the companies and to state the amount of money Seleka Springs received as payment for its role as agents in each of the contracts.
Between 1989 and 2012, Seleka Springs acted as agents for several companies for the supply of specialised equipment, ammunition and spares in respect to Alvis Vickers (UK), Steryr-Daimler, FN Herstal (SA and Belgium) Thales Electronic System, Thales Raython Systems, Unionlet Limited, Meccar (SA) and Pilatus Aircraft Limited. What this publication has been able to establish so far indicates the following amounts for contracts that were in different currencies used in the different contracts. French Francs (62,993,048), Euros (1,433,715.15) and P102,370,000. However, the Minister of Defence and Security, Shaw Kgathi puts the total of the deals around P225m over the two decades and a half.
Kgathi’s numbers seem way off the mark, even just for one deal. The BDF Air Wing in 2011 announced that it had signed a P290m ($44.76 million; 30.85 million euros exchange rate in 2011) deal to acquire five of the PC-7 MkII from the Swiss turboprop aircraft manufacturer Pilatus Aircraft Ltd. The Khama twins were agents of Pilatus Aircraft Ltd at the time. The PC-7 MkII would replace the current fleet of PC-7s that the BDF uses for training.
But it was not the first time Seleka Springs procured planes for the BDF. In 1989, the manufacturer sold the earlier version of the trainer aircraft, the PC-7, providing 7 units. They were delivered in 1990. The total amount of the deal was not revealed. The company dominated procurement by holding agency licences for major military suppliers from Israel to Europe at a point when the BDF procurement system was dominated by procurement from those regions. In particular, Seleka Springs associated firms enjoyed supplying weapons to the defence force at a time when their brother, Ian Khama, was commander of the BDF and had a penchant for buying.
The Business Weekly & Review investigations have revealed that the Khama brothers held agency licences for the major suppliers as revealed by the Defence Minister, but in addition they also held licences for the Israeli manufacturer Tadiran (later merged with Elbit Systems). The military equipment industry is a secret system and indeed only those with access to it can get more access, as companies integrated and merged, Seleka Springs leveraged off its former contacts in the new environment.
THE TANKS
A few years ago The Botswana Guardian revealed how BDF imported 46 Armoured Personnel Vehicles worth P426 million in 1998, despite the advice of military experts on the inferiority of the tanks compared to those supplied by other manufacturers not linked to the Khama brothers. Steyr, the company for which the Khama brothers held an agency licence, was integrated into General Dynamics European Land Systems-Steyr GmBH, Europe’s major military supplier.
The group got a $1million (P7.2million) deal in 1997 to supply the BDF with the 4K Tracked Armoured Personnel Carriers. There were three units ordered by the BDF. In the same year the BDF awarded the company a contract to supply it with 20 SK Kurassier light tanks at a value of $10 million.
Both contracts elapsed in early 2000. However, at the signing of this contract the BDF already had 32 Sk Kurrassiers in its fleet, taking the total to 52, by 1997. The tanks required the installation of 20 FL-12 105mm turrets which were included in the deal. The Khama brothers are also linked to the Thales Group, the major supplier of military equipment and systems. It is involved in aerospace, space defence, security and transport systems.
Alvis Vickers are the manufacturers of the Scorpion light tank and the Scorpion Armoured Personnel carrier. The BDF bought both types, 25 of the light version and 6 of the APS, while Steyr provided the SK-105 Kurassier, and the SK-105 AK7 Recovery tank.
THE WEAPONS
The Khama affiliated FN Herstal was a major supplier of munitions to the BDF during the period under review. It was the manufacturer of the automatic pistol the Browning-Hi Power, the light automatic rifle, FN FAL, the machine gun, FN-MAG and the light machine gun, FN Minimi, all of which are in constant use by the army. In weapons, Steyr also provided the machine gun MG42.
A few years ago the Thales Group clinched the deal to install military training software and equipment. Named Sagitarrius Small Arms Training System the program is used by soldiers to train in small arms. Until recently, a number of officers from the company were in Botswana assisting in training BDF officers on the system.
In 1991, the BDF procured 25 Javelin Portable surface-to-air missiles with five launchers from Thales.
In 1991, the BDF procured 25 Javelin Portable surface-to-air missiles with five launchers from Thales. The Thales Group has developed in multiple areas and in some cases merged with other companies. In 2000, it bought controlling stakes in a number of companies including ADI (Australia), Racal (UK), and African Defence Systems (South Africa). The Khama brothers, through their company Seleke Springs, also have a licence to distribute from a company called Tadiran Communications (now Elbit Systems). Tadiran is a pioneer of unmanned military aircraft for the Israeli army.
The BDF started building surveillance capacity in the late 1990s, finally procuring the Hermes 450 in 2004, from Elbit Systems for an undisclosed figure. Botswana is one of only a few countries in Africa to operate the Hermes 450. According to the manufacturer, the Hermes 450 can be used for a variety of purposes, among them reconnaissance, surveillance and communications relay, and it is well suited for tactical long endurance missions.
Recently the President visited South Korea. In his visit he was a guest at the headquarters of the South Korean aircraft manufacturer Korean Aerospace Industries. Media reports indicate that the BDF, under the supervision of Khama, is looking to replace its fleet of fighter jets and is eyeing a number of candidates among them the South Korean fighter plane the FA-50, and the Swedish SAAB-made Gripen. The visit is seen as an attempt by the South Korean to help the man who wants a BDF fighter in air by mid-year next, in a deal that experts say could reach up to P6billion (more than 600m USD).
This story is part of a collaboration between The Business Weekly & Review (Botswana) and Zam Chronicle (Amsterdam, Holland).TSHIRELETSO MOTLOGELWA is editor of The Business Weekly & Review in Gaborone, Botswana. Matteo Civillini is a correspondent for The Guardian (UK).