The Maitisong Festival—a growing platform that continues to portray thrilling local talent in its various expressions, launched its campaign for its annual five day event at a press conference on the 15th of March. Having carved its place as the biggest arts festival in Botswana for almost 30 years now, the event represents an array of art forms from theatre, music, comedy, dance to visual arts, and is scheduled to run from April 11-16 in various venues across the city.

 
“We aspire for artists to show up, to take advantage of this platform and promote their art at all levels,” stated Gao Lemmenyane, who is the director of the annual Maitisong festival, as he unveiled the festival’s line up and sponsors.
With a refreshed logo, the festival will be under the theme ‘engage’, which extends from last year’s theme ‘elevate’ that focused on professionalizing the arts. “Over the years, the Maitisong Festival has been committed to nurturing the arts in their various disciplines with the intention of taking local talent to greater heights. We want artists to recognize the value of not only engaging audiences but companies and international counterparts as well,” said Lemmenyane. He added that artists must also be educated about platforms such as ‘Art Moves Africa’ that could assist them with funding their projects.

 
Through its versatile five day line-up, the festival will feature nationally known headliners, upcoming talents and international acts. Some of the acts scheduled to participate include TJ Dema,  Mophato Dance Crew, Sky Blue Dance Hub, Brenda Taukobong, Lesego Nchunga just to mention a few. Workshops will also be facilitated in a bid to educate artists on refining their crafts.
“I will be debuting my first documentary during the festival and I am so thankful for Maitisong for granting me the opportunity,” delighted upcoming visual artist and dancer Wabo Motiki.

 

Registration fees have been introduced to the festival this year, something that some artists questioned.

 
Elena Andreotti spoke on behalf of the U.S Embassy, revealing their collaboration with Mophato Dance Crew in what is to be a dance enactment of their role in Botswana: “The U.S Embassy is happy to support Maitisong, as we have done in the past. Our grant to the festival will go to the facilitation of workshops and also to Mophato, who will be demonstrating engagements the U.S has had with Botswana over the past 50 years.”
This year’s festival comes at a time that Botswana will be celebrating its 50 years of independence, and some performances will be highlighting this celebration. “The arts continue to play a pivotal role in advancing peace and stability while contributing to the socio-political and economic discourse through art works of integrity, and as Maitisong we are excited to join in the festivities to congratulate the leaders and all people of Botswana,” noted Lemmenyane.

 
“We are interested in collaborating with Botswana artists in the future, and Maitisong gives us a preview of the talents in this country,” remarked South African event promoter Mike Tladi.
Registration fees have been introduced to the festival this year, something that some artists questioned. “Prior to this year, there have been no registration fees for participating artists. However, we have realized that it’s quite financially challenging to ensure that the artists have quality sound and appealing stage setups, so the fees will assist us in ensuring artists have an overall quality experience,” explained Lemmenyane.
Maitisong Festival is sponsored by Gabz FM, Thapong Visual Arts Center, Sgotti Cocktail Bar and Lounge, Gaborone City Council, U.S Embassy and Ministry of Youth and Culture.
For more information on scheduled shows and ticket fees, visit their website: www.maitisong.org

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While the blue-chip companies in Botswana are busy finding their way into the broader African market, Barclays Bank Botswana through its Corporate Banking unit is planning to increase its support for these corporates thus fattening returns. Currently, corporate banking is the main driver of Barclay’s revenue at 39 percent, and the bank’s plan is to see that trend continuing to grow. In fact, Barclays Bank Head of Corporate and Investment Banking Kgotso Bannalotlhe admits that the bank will now be more vigorous on corporate banking which is less risky and slow down on the retail aspect.

 
His strategy is to “help companies that drive Botswana’s economy”. More specifically, these are pan-African companies with vigorous expansion plans. “We are well placed to support these companies with finance,” he added.
Bannalotlhe singled out companies such as Choppies and Turnstar as some of the entities that have benefitted from Barclays’ corporate banking and are now firmly entrenched in Africa. The advantage for these blue-chip companies is; they have fewer risks and limited exposure to economic headwinds unlike small companies. He says Botswana companies are financially strong and can survive a downturn. “Despite going through difficult times they still manage to service their loans,” Bannalotlhe says.

 
Barclays also plans to be more energetic  on the public space. “We want to be a meaningful player on the public space,” he says, explaining that they want to conduct transactions that are meaningful to the economy while they are making money at the same time.  Bannalotlhe says Barclays is committed to a lasting legacy on infrastructural development in Botswana by serving government parastatals that supports the economic growth of the country.

These copper mining firms were depressed by the softening of copper prices after China reduced demand for commodities because of the slowing economic growth.

 
Despite the huge appetite for corporate financing, Barclays says it is not eager to do business with junior miners in the metal industry.  Last year, Discovery Metals Limited (DML) shut down operations at its Boseto Copper project, shedding over 400 workers. Further, African Copper, another major producer, was liquidated and hundreds of employees lost jobs. These copper mining firms were depressed by the softening of copper prices after China reduced demand for commodities because of the slowing economic growth. The two mines were heavily indebted and could not honour their financial obligations leading to liquidation.

 
Despite this set-back with junior copper miners, Bannalotlhe says overall mining is one sector where there is still potential. “Botswana’s economy is driven by mining so we cannot ignore this sector, and we believe that it will go through its cycle and normalise again,” he pointed out, adding that their strict risk management will be utilised when funding mining companies. Bannalotlhe says they help their clients to avoid risk elements in their businesses. “We have been successful in this instance,” he says, adding that their customers have benefited from the effort.

 
He says what Barclays does in corporate banking is not to solely fund a company in what he called transactional banking and leave it on its own, it also assesses an entity’s strategy for the next five years and also assists with business advice to ensure that the company achieves whatever goal they are aiming for.  “By doing this we also minimise risks of default when companies fail to break through,” Bannalotlhe says.

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Despite having been in operation for several years now it is common knowledge that a majority of our citizens have very little knowledge about the Botswana Stock Exchange (BSE). This became evident at the recent conference where even established local business leaders expressed lack of information in as far as the role and operations of the BSE are concerned. What is most worrying is the fact that this was coming from the BSE’s potential customers. The lack of knowledge by these customers will in the long haul limit the growth of the local bourse and this could have a great impact on the economy as a whole going forward.

 
In the simplest of terms the stock exchange provides alternative source of capital/investment funds for enterprises compared to the traditional loans while simultaneously providing savers with alternative investments options instead of bank deposits. It is, however, not all the BSE’s fault that it is largely unknown. The BSE’s major undoing also happens to be its greatest customer; the institutional investors.
Institutional investors have large amounts to invest against the limited number of options on the “still growing” stock exchange. What this then does is that it crowds out the individual investors making activities on the bourse seem more like the preserve of a select few.

What the BSE needs to do is to adopt the same model that is used by banks to target customers.

 
The thing is we cannot demonise the institutional investors as they also need to earn returns on their funds. If we look at some of the most recent listings one would notice that there has always been a sizeable portion reserved for the retail investors but the questions are for how long will that be and is it something that is sustainable ? What the BSE needs to do is to adopt the same model that is used by banks to target customers – categorise them either into penny stocks and blue chip companies or whatever model works for them and come up with an annual target for listings.

 
The idea of targeting mines, banks, properties and retail giants is also feeding into the myth that the BSE is but a preserve of the sophisticated few. The BSE needs to be able to attract other industries such as manufacturing, transportation, technology companies etc in order to increase investment options on the bourse in order to create room for individual investors. Stories of individuals striking gold on the stock market are likely to give the bourse more mileage than any commercial advert or roadshow ever would.

So instead of curtailing the activities of the institutional investors in order to accommodate the retail investors what we need to do is to focus on getting as many companies as possible to list. Some companies are folding due to the high cost of borrowing oblivious to the fact that the BSE offers alternative source of capital which might turn out to be cheaper or even less burdensome compared to debt. Start-ups should know the listing requirements in order to give them a goal to work towards.

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The theory, implied as it is, that is being paddled by some, including the Government – that portrays journalists (and is intended to justify the pattern of arrests) as people hell-bent on jeopardising the national security of Botswana has little basis in reality, that theory, together with the conduct that that accompanies it, is the thing that jeopardises the name, image and standing of the Republic.

 
The people of Botswana are not an unjust bunch. They understand the idea of justice. It is their forefathers who invented the Kgotla system – whilst rampant with imperfections, it was conceived out of a perfect idea – that of justice. When they gathered at Central Police Station it was not to say Sonny Serite is immune from the law,  they accept with their whole hearts the basic principle that those who are suspected of breaking the law must answer the charge. But those who arrest and charge has to be done according to the law.

Botswana is founded on that idea, that the people will keep their promise of obeying the law (and accepting penalties for violation) as long as the government also keeps its part of the bargain, that of using the law for good ends and respecting their fundamental rights. The government is not keeping its part of the bargain, by its threats and its wanton abandon of liberties.

 
For those grappling with the reasons behind this conduct, there are many ways to explain the growing trend of arrests of journalists by State security agents in Botswana – ignorance by them of the protocols and procedures and the need for respect of individual rights is none of them, in fact, to propel that argument is tantamount to committing genocide on the truth. The men (and women, if any) who engage in these acts know what they are doing and they know it when they have violated laws – they consciously and deliberately flout the law – they invest in abuse of power and in the romance of illegality. And so we must ask, why?

 
Listen to Mbulawa, his feelings and body language at perfect unison with his expressions, threaten use of force, “if you do not disperse there will be casualties” –like a leader of some junta military in a bleeding war-torn failed State.  Look at the police, they deprive a man of his liberty – an innocent man (a constitutional presumption he enjoys) and concoct pretexts to deny him of his fundamental right to counsel from his attorney – like they operate under a mafia-infested Machiavellian legal system where the end justifies the means – as if they are under some strict instructions to get him by all means, to get him by nook or crook.

The information that the journalists have disclosed is information that, on the face of it, points to abuse of state resources, abuse of public funds or abuse of office.

 
This is not us, and Botswana was not born this way. These police men and women do not get peaceful sleep – it is all against their grain. You see it in their faces – they hate the cartooning, the unnecessary hullaballoo running helter-skelter over some stolen savingram, treating their brother like he ate a child.
For very many years, we kept and ran a police service that did not feed on this emotion-draining absurd drama with its theatre of weaponry, the ignition of fear and intimidation in the citizenry, we did not keep a police force disgusted by assembled concerned citizens. They can brandish their guns, but what harm does a people cause when they assemble, as their constitution permits, to demonstrate?

 
The unending arrest of journalists must be seen in the grand scheme of things – for the phenomenon occurs in a forest of political activity.
In all these cases, the Government has not turned out any matter of national security or disclosure of innocent information that the members of the public should not care to know. In all the cases, the information that the journalists have disclosed is information that, on the face of it, points to abuse of state resources, abuse of public funds or abuse of office.

In the Director of DIS case – General Isaac Kgosi, the information that DCEC was seeking to conceal related to corruption allegations against him. Journalists who sought to disclose such information were arrested and harassed and denied the opportunity to consult their attorneys. The Sonny Serite arrest happens in similar circumstances. It is safe to predict that the next arrest (and there will be one and more) a journalist will be arrested for disclosure of such type of information.

 
All the Government wants to play the game of arrest and hide. To this cause, the Government is so committed that it will not even agree to table a draft law for debate before Parliament on disclosure of information and protection of whistle-blowers. And the people, the taxpayers, the voters – from whom the information is being concealed, to whom use of force is threatened when they peacefully assemble, are expected to believe the hype that the Government is fighting corruption, when in reality, it is corruption that is fighting the Government and people’s liberties and winning all the time.

 
We can change. The Government can change – it can take out emotion from its objective ends – follow the law. In the meantime, if the Commissioner of Police does not see any wrong in how his officers behave and treat the members of the public, if he does not see the damage that that the so called intelligence agents are doing to the police service, then we have an intractable problem.

 
Journalists are not immune from criminal law processes. Whilst sometimes they behave like they are, we and they know they are not. But when they do their job of informing the nation – even when the information touches at the highest places in the Government, the Government is not entitled to reply by force and violation of liberties. Without such public rot, journalists will not be there, sneaking and peeing, hovering like flies, in the first place. Stop the rot.

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Far Property Company (FPC), owned by Choppies Group millionaires Ram Ottapathu and Farouk Ismail will list on the Botswana Stock Exchange (BSE) by May this year.
This week, Ottapathu, who is also the Choppies Chief Executive Officer (CEO), said that 80 million units, which represent 21 percent of the FPC shares, will be issued. Ottapathu and Ismail will remain major shareholders of FPC with 39.5 shares apiece.
Each share on issue will sell for 257 Thebe. FPC’s estimated market share is P977 million. The company has a portfolio of 178 properties currently of which 157 are in Botswana and 21 in South Africa.
The company was formed in 2010 and Ottapathu said that it came about from the demand for retail and industrial space in under-supplied areas. He said this had led to demand by other providers of consumer services such as banks and clothing retailers to seek accommodation for their operations primarily at places where Choppies outlets are located.
However, Choppies remains the anchor tenant with 50 percent of the property occupied by the Group.
Ottapathu said reasons for listing FPC were that opportunities existed to create a pan-African property company which will have its footprint extending to Zambia and Tanzania, and provide investors with a unique exposure to the African retail property growth market. He said it will also enhance the company’s creditworthiness, allowing it to compete with other BSE- listed property companies for acquisitions and prime property locations as well as attract additional expertise.
By the year ending June 2015, FPC’s revenue stood at P92.3 million with its earnings after tax pegged at P88 million.
Going forward, FPC’s growth strategy involves strategic acquisitions in both South Africa and Botswana. FPC will be raising P100 million from the IPO, which Ram said will be used on expansion

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a BNF perspective Part 1

When part of the country’s aggregate mass of material wealth produced in a year is determined and used to replace constant capital in the form of the wear and tear  on equipment, and the value of raw and other materials, the remainder in the form of variable capital and surplus value constitutes the national income of the country. National income under capitalism is created by workers, peasants, craftspersons and intellectuals employed in the sphere of material production – industry, agriculture, transport and so on and so forth. No national income is created in the non-productive sphere such as the government machine, the BDF, the Police, the DIS, medical institutions and universities like UB. All outlays in these non-productive sectors are covered out of national income. The government machine and armed and security forces absorb the bulk of national income and therefore restricts its growth.

 
The distribution of national income always assumes the class character of the dominant social order, in this case, the capitalist social system obtaining in Botswana. It is carried out in the interest of the exploiters rather than the workers who ironically produce it.  The main distribution of national income is between the workers and the capitalists. Workers receive wages – the product of their necessary labour time, while the different groups of  capitalists, namely bankers, land owners, merchants and industrial capitalists appropriate the surplus value – the sum total of the workers’  unpaid surplus  labour time – the source of surplus value and profit.  After distribution among workers and capitalists  then follows a secondary distribution of national income in the form of payments for various services.

 
Part of the incomes of the working class are distributed through the national budget in the interests of the bourgeois state. It is used for individual capitalist consumption and  expansion of production. The bulk of the budget is claimed by the bourgeois state for the maintenance of the armed and police forces, penal institutions, judicial bodies and the state bureaucracy at the expense of the working people. A disturbing  trend in Botswana  is the way the unproductive  military forces gobble up the lion’s share of the national income even in the absence of a war in the country. The main source of revenue for the state budget is the taxes levied on the population.

Another reason why the workers’ share of national income is small is that the BDP regime deliberately made Botswana a low wage economy.

Indeed taxes serve as an instrument of the additional exploitation of wage workers outside the confines of the productive sphere.  This diminishes the workers’ share of the national income which is further reduced by escalating prices of basic commodities, a high industrial reserve army of the unemployed (about 40%) that enables employers to drive down the wages of those in employment as well as a weak and divided trade union movement. Many workers can barely afford basic services like housing and education for their children. And yet the state turns a blind eye to companies that evade payment of taxes by keeping their money in countries known for low taxes.

 
Another reason why the workers’ share of national income is small is that the BDP regime deliberately made Botswana a low wage economy. In 1970 the state engaged a consultant by the name of Professor Dharam Ghai to ‘draft a long term wages policy consonant with  National Development’.  He recommended that the country was faced with  two options; ‘Either to have a small but relatively highly paid labour force in the modern formal sector, or a larger but lowly paid labour force’.  The country achieved neither of Dharam Ghai’s  two objectives. We have a small poorly paid workforce earning starvation wages with a huge gap between  nominal and real wages.

 
It is unclear whether workers will get any salary increase this year. The regime rubs its hands in glee as BOFEPUSO and BOPEU slug it out in the courts of law over who should sit in the Bargaining Council to decide on wage increases for the workers. On the surface it looks as if workers are the authors of their own misfortunes – quibbling over who should be on the Bargaining Council instead of getting on with the negotiations and yet we all know that these are fruits of  the regimes’  divisive tactics. They mischievously drove a wedge between the two unions. Obviously in BOPEU leadership they found acquiescent  stooges, reengages and quislings  ready and willing to betray the cause of the workers for the sake of their own personal aggrandizement. The regime prefers to announce salary increases itself in order to undermine and  undercut the influence of the trade union movement.

 
If one were to subject the budget to SafeAssign it would probably reveal 100% plagiarism. All budgets since independence are 100% plagiarized because there is no acknowledgement whatsoever of the sources used to draw them up. And yet  BDP MPs had the temerity and nerve to criticize the Leader of Opposition Duma Boko for alleged plagiarism.  It was a holier-than-thou attitude designed to score cheap debating points. Why does the BDP see the speck in Boko’s eyes, but fail to see the log in their own eyes? The BNF position has always been that for the Leader of Opposition to present an alternative budget in parliament there must be greater transparency in terms of disclosure of the sources on which the budget is based. And the opposition must be accorded enough time before the budget is presented for a meaningful debate to take place. For purposes of reducing parliament to a talking shop and a rubber-stamp institution the regime has flatly refused to accede to the demands of the opposition.

The richest 20% of the population commands 70% of national income while the poorest receive only 2.2% of national income.

 
Be that as it may, the national budget is an opportunity for the country to identify and  prioritize the country’s national problems, and not only propose solutions to those problems but indicate clearly the role the society is expected to play in solving them. Given that according to Professor Good the country ‘has acquired the dubious distinction of having the worst inequalities in the world’ the budget was a window of opportunity to tackle structural poverty, bridge income inequalities  and create jobs. On this score, Matambo’s budget is a dismal failure. Commenting on the way a handful of capitalists are getting away with murder for the  ecological crisis they have caused, Professor Gal Gulbrandsen in his book, Poverty in the Midst of Plenty,  notes; ‘What is intriguing about this economic process is how little it has been subjected to public debate in Botswana, despite the fact that land deterioration is a prevailing problem throughout  the country.

The political silence about this issue parallels  quite strikingly the non-politicized character  of  the increasing economic polarization, to which it is, of course, a corollary’. In other words, it is surprising that there are no political upheavals to protest this continuing concentration of the country’s wealth in fewer and fewer hands. The richest 20% of the population commands 70% of national income while the poorest receive only 2.2% of national income.

 
Budgetary priorities are topsy-turvy and thoroughly confused. For reasons best known to this military junta masquerading as a democracy, the BDF is given top priority in the allocation of the development budget. If a survey were to be carried out on priority problems of this country it is highly unlikely that 1% of the population would mention the BDF. The Minister deliberately omits to tell us that the massive BDF budget of P3.59 billion is accounted for by the purchase of expensive jets which are irrelevant to the defense needs of the country. While the regime splashes out on expensive military toys like jets school children in places like Baoatlaname literally faint because of hunger. The security Batswana really need is social security, security against hunger, thirst, ignorance,  poverty, disease, arbitrary power and exploitation, and not military security. That the BDF budget is always cloaked in secrecy for ‘security’ reasons is a recipe for corruption and financial malfeasance.

 
The BNF will radically review defense expenditure and reduce it significantly so that the country can enjoy the peace dividend occasioned by the advent of independence in South Africa in 1994. As far as the BNF is concerned, ‘the defense of the country can be best carried out most efficiently and less expensively by training all able bodied citizens to defend their motherland’ with a highly mobile  BDF ground force only serving as the core of the ‘Citizen Force.’ The BNF ‘will not establish  an expensive and financially unsustainable Air Force of Jet Fighters and bomber squadrons’.

As Jack Parson reminds us, the huge development budget on the non-productive BDF is particularly ill-advised because ‘today’s development expenditure is tomorrow’s line item in the ministerial budget’. Once an undesirable pattern of expenditure is established it becomes difficult to break down because of vested interests and the country gets locked in ‘an incrementalist net’. Hence the absolute importance of scrutinizing new items on the development budget which may drain the resources of the country through huge recurrent budgetary allocations in future.

 
From the point of view of the BNF, the economic sectors that are central to the attainment of our genuine economic independence are manufacturing industries, commerce, agriculture and tourism. All of these sectors of the economy never feature prominently in the order of priorities of the BDP regime.  The revival of  agriculture on the basis of irrigation is not only critical for food self-sufficiency, but also for the supply of raw materials to manufacturing industries,  which in turn would supply finished products to agriculture. Unless the neo-colonial structure of the economy is changed and we cease to be a monocultural raw material appendage of the global capitalist economy and create forward and backward linkages between the mining, tourism,  agricultural and manufacturing sectors the employment goals the regime set out to achieve ring hollow.

The development of consumer and capital goods industries would put an end to  our economic dependence on other countries. The old Japanese adage that ‘no country gets rich by selling raw materials’ is instructive. While the Minister expressed rhetorical commitment to employment creation mining companies were planning massive retrenchment of workers. The laws of this country make it far too easy for capitalists to lay-off workers. We must borrow a leaf from the Cuban experience by ensuring that during periods of involuntary separation from work, employers must be compelled by  law to continue paying workers, provide retraining of those workers and help in finding other employment for them.

 
The BNF also differs fundamentally from the BDP regime in terms of how manufacturing and agricultural  industries should be developed. As a socialist-oriented political organization the BNF believes that it is critically important for the ordinary people, the workers and peasants, to be in the forefront of wealth generation and distribution.  The BNF Social Democratic Programme asserts that the development of these key sectors of the economy must not permit the concentration of wealth in the hands of few people, be they foreign or local capitalists,  resulting in ‘a business oligarchy’  that usurps the democratic control of the nation’s wealth and resources from the working class. That is why the BNF places a high premium on  public ownership of the basic means of production through the establishment of various organically linked cooperatives and the expansion of the public sector alongside a regulated market economy under a selective industrial policy.

 
The Minister devotes a few lines to so-called ‘human capital development’ and goes on to say that ‘substantial resources will continue to be channeled towards education and training with emphasis  on ensuring that the skills and qualifications offered and acquired are more responsive to the needs of the labour market’ (page 12). As far as the BNF is concerned, as long as the BDP regime remains strongly wedded to the ideology of an elitist and  white collar-oriented curriculum this goal will remain on the backburner. Rock bottom morale is the hallmark of the civil service that is always given the run round  by a  President with a predilection for  ruling by decree, and in the words of Professor Good, ‘takes decisions by caprice’.

Hence the Minister’s hopes of increased productivity are no more than a forlorn cry.  The BNF calls for fundamental transformation of the education sector. In our view, education must bridge the gap between theory and practice, mental and manual labour, urban areas and the rural hinterland. Education with production (EwP) with emphasis on technological competence would produce students with relevant skills including self-employment skills.
Each school, particularly at secondary level, must as van Rensburg puts it, ‘be a powerhouse of skill and talent’  in the milieu where it is located.

During its heydays Swaneng Complex under van Rensburg promoted the development of the village in various ways. It gave birth to  Serowe Engineering, the first cooperative in the country (in Serowe), Tshwaragano Hotel, Mmegi newspaper, a printing and publishing facility and the Boiteko project for poverty-stricken women who were taught various skills of making earthen pots and knitting blankets. Swaneng students built their own laboratories and went on to build primary schools in Molepolole and Shashe River School during holidays, applying the skills they had acquired in their classrooms.

Imagine the number of jobs that would be created if all secondary schools were founded on the philosophy of education with production (EwP) with emphasis on technological competence. Each school cycle at JC and Form Five levels must be  simultaneously preparatory and autonomous i.e. it must prepare the child for the next level, but in the event that this is not possible it must serve as an autonomous unit that equips the child with self-employment skills and competences. In industries this policy translates into work-based training used by Germany to reduce youth unemployment to a bare minimum.

 
On several pages (1, 2, 3, 4, 5) the minister laments the effects of the periodic global capitalist  crisis which stems from the unplanned and anarchic nature of capitalist production. In the wake of the neo-liberal counter-revolution  these periodic crises have become more frequent and much more deeper and devastating for third world countries. In some aspects of the speech figures are rotted out as if the budget is about things and not real human beings.  Virtually all budget speeches  lament this ruinous crisis of capitalist over-production without offering any solution.

While there is no disputing the fact that the free trade version of the World Trade Organization (WTO) is inimical to the aspirations of most developing countries, and that its governance mechanism is undemocratic and benefits advanced capitalist countries, it is wrong to assume that WTO rules and regulations are immutable and cast in stone.  Chang and  Grable argue that WTO rules can be actively interpreted through dispute settlement panels if developing countries act collectively. Acting in concert third world countries can rewrite some of the rules and render them more amenable to interventionist trade policies. There are types of subsidies that are permissible or ‘non-actionable’ under WTO such as subsidies for basic research and development (R&D). (continues next week)

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Why settle for a good life when you can have a great life? What is the difference between a good life and a great life anyway? Why should you aim for a great life when you have good life anyway? Isn’t a good life enough? There in lies the problem because good is the enemy of great. When we have something good going on we often settle for it rather than mess with the status quo by trying to build something great. Why fix it if its not broken is the thinking behind justifying setting for less.

 
Do you ever wonder what it would be like to have an extraordinary quality of life at your current income bracket? I want to be quick to add the income bracket because often people are quick to blame their poor quality of life on their income bracket. How can I have an extraordinary quality of life if I am only making so much money? Well if you’re one of those that consistently tie the quality of your life to the amount you earn then let me be the one to bust your bubble.  Your quality of life has got nothing to do with how much you earn but everything to do with the quality of your decision-making.

This is not just my opinion because research shows that beyond a certain point money as an agent for a better quality of life reaches the point of diminishing returns. That from a certain point no matter how much more money you earn the quality of your life will no longer grow in direct proportion to the extra money you earn. What matters there after is the quality of your imagination.

If you are poor yes, a little bit of money makes a huge noticeable difference in the quality of your life.

 
If you are poor yes, a little bit of money makes a huge noticeable difference in the quality of your life, but once you enter the middle class, especially upper middle class the quality of your life now begins to depend on the quality of your decisions. It is at this point in your socio-economic status that you begin to have a discretionary income. Now that all your needs have been met, you begin to look around for things to spend money on that you believe will enhance your life experience.

The one common denominator amongst socially and economically upwardly mobile people is that as their income grows for some reason they begin to believe that they deserve bigger and better versions of the stuff they used to own. It is not that they did not have these things before or that the things they used to have no longer work. It’s just that they choose to have the more expensive stuff instead, simply because they can now afford. That is why marketers target the middleclass, because they are the most brand conscious consumers. They are more willing to pay a premium for a name than the functionality of the thing.

 
Personal finances are often a primary source of stress for most people, even though they may have reached a point of financial sufficiency they carry on with consumption until the stress caused by over consumption affects every area of their lives. Now because they are stressed they cannot sit back and enjoy life.  How can they? Besides it is almost fashionable to whine about difficulties, not to mention parading the stuff that we own. The modern human being thus resembles a peacock in many ways.

Having an extraordinary quality of life is not about having extraordinary things like some people would want you to believe.

 
It is this peacock like behavior that stops us from thriving, because we must have stuff to parade ever now and then we operate on survival mode. When you’re on survival mode you’re basically running on adrenaline. Which means you’re not thinking much and if you’re not thinking then there is no creativity. Remember human beings are meant to think, we are the only creatures that not only have full dominion over the earth, but can also build the world as we imagine it.

We are the only creatures that possess not just the ability think objectively but the faculty of imagination as well. Creative thinking is a uniquely human experience because it affords us the opportunity to express ourselves and life is nothing but self-expression. Yet because of how we live we constantly deny ourselves opportunities for creative self-expression because we are too worried about paying back debts that financed our stuff. Consumer debt sucks the life out of your because it blocks the flow of your creative juices. Tell me how creative you can be if your creditors are calling?

 
Having an extraordinary quality of life is not about having extraordinary things like some people would want you to believe. It’s about living life on your terms. It’s about living life a little bit more imaginatively. It is about exploring the true depths of life and experiencing the true joys of life. They say the best things in life are free and indeed if you look closely you will realize they are. There are those that tell us everyday that in order to have an extraordinary life we must have more stuff. But how much stuff is enough? Is there an end to it?

 
May I propose that you draw the line and decide where the stuff ends, beyond a certain point having more stuff doesn’t make you happier it means you have more stuff to look after, which consumes more of your time. This also means the more stuff you have the higher the chances are that you will end up taking more time to care for your stuff that you taking care of your relationships.

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Without whistleblowers, citizens’ ability to monitor those in power is diminished, writes JOEL KONOPO. Hardly a year after the arrest of three Botswana Gazette journalists, the empire strikes again! Yet another worrying development.

Another careless arrest of a journalist in a country considered Africa’s shining example of democracy and good governance. This time, the Office of President onslaught on the private media happened so early into 2016. Sonny Serite, a freelance journalist muck-racking for Botswana Gazette was stopped near the Office of President by two plain cloth officers and later locked up at Gaborone Police Station under Section 317 (2) of the Penal Code of 1986, which, in theory, when read with sub section 1 carries either a death sentence or 14 years in prison. Serite, together with Abueng Sebola, a Records Officer at OP, are currently on bail after spending three days in detention. The arrest gives a clear idea of where President Ian Khama regime wishes to take this country in terms of accountability and respect of press freedom.

 
It uses scare tactics to frustrate the work of investigative journalism and sends a chilling effect to would-be deep throats at government enclave and elsewhere. It is a stark reminder that Khama’s repressive regime remains an affront to fundamental rights such as freedom of the press. But how did we get where we are? Botswana is not a firm believer in press freedom and has repeatedly used its power to promote all laws that criminalise journalism.

Freedom House now rates the country as partly free, a significant downgrading compared to previous rankings. President Khama government has resisted repealing or reviewing all laws that hinder the work of journalists. The ruling Botswana Democratic Party often uses its majority in parliament to block attempts to call for a law on freedom of information. Younger democracies such as South Africa have made strides in promoting media freedoms. Take example the Promotion of Access to Information Act of 2000.

Both Serite and Sebola stand for what INK Centre for Investigative Journalism stands for – promoting and serving democracy by revealing abuses of power, corruption and betrayal of public trust.

 
It gives effect to the constitutional right to any information held by the state and information held by the private bodies that is required for the exercise and protection of any rights. At INK CIJ, we condemn the arrest of Serite and Sebola – which comes 10 months after the detention of Botswana Gazette editor, Lawrence Seretse managing editor Shike Olsen, as well as reporter, Innocent Selatlhwa over a corruption expose – as undemocratic, unnecessary and in the long run intolerable and call for a comprehensive legislation incorporating journalists’ right to access information. With the existence of such legislation, accessing public records would not require people like Sebola to take risks that land themselves in courts. Let us be clear. We support Sebola’s thoughtful intervention, which brought new hope to investigative journalism.

 
He is an heroic whistleblower and his efforts will not go unnoticed. He was driven by public interest to expose wrongdoing at OP. Both Serite and Sebola stand for what INK Centre for Investigative Journalism stands for – promoting and serving democracy by revealing abuses of power, corruption and betrayal of public trust. Without them, citizens’ ability to monitor those in power is obviously diminished. We urge the police to investigate, and not to arrest in order to investigate. This is unhelpful and smacks of repression to arrest journalists on issues that are not really criminal but is part of their work, in this case to expose the rot in our society. A debate about journalists’ rights to access information is not best advanced by that all-pervading BDP slogan: “nothing to hide, nothing to fear.”

 
We cannot have a media that relies solely on the good will of public servants to get information, and it is too much to expect of the government and other public bodies to deliver it without the backing of an appropriate provision, which breaths life into Section 12 of the Constitution. But surely we can have an open and balanced discussion about how we accommodate the private press as a true watchdog that promotes and serves democracy, while safeguarding the intimacy and dignity rightly craved by human beings.
Konopo is Managing Editor at INK Centre for Investigative Journalism.

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•  Salary talks stalled as workers’ representatives tussle
•  BOFEPUSU argues that Judge Maruping erred
•  BOPEU says wage talks are not urgent

In its latest bid to block an application to the Appeals Court by Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions (BOFEPUSU) to have a ruling by Industrial Court Judge President Tebogo Maruping overturned, Botswana Public Employees Union (BOPEU) has opposed the move, stating that salary negotiations issues are not urgent.

 
BOFEPUSU is appealing a decision in which Maruping dismissed all technical points raised by the federation and Public Service Bargaining Council (PSBC) at a previous hearing.
At the heart of the legal suit is the interpretation of Articles 6 and 7 of the Public Service Bargaining Council (PSBC) Constitution which BOPEU was seeking. Maruping had ruled in their favour.

 
The court had further stated that BOPEU had an interest in salary talks the matter and as such was entitled to demand as to who should sit at the bargaining council.
In his ruling Maruping had recommended mediation for the two. According to court papers filed this week, BOPEU President Andrew Motsamai argues that BOFEPUSU have not demonstrated that if the public service salary increments are made after the April 1, such will in any way cause irreparable harm to the public servants. “I aver that salary back-pays can always be made, as had been the case in other similar instances in the past,” says Motsamai.

The High Court ruled that it was unlawful for Khama to vary conditions of service for employees outside the laid down procedure.

 
He further says: “I aver that the fact that public servants are affected by the pending negotiation process does not on its own automatically render appeal urgent. The applicants still have to demonstrate exceptional circumstances and irreparable harm,” he argues.  In its application to appeal BOFEPUSU states that the judge made some glaring errors in the judgment and has taken the matter to the Appeals Court to have it overturned.
“We can’t allow the judgment to go unchallenged,” BOFEPUSU Secretary General Tobokani Rari said this week, explaining that there were many points of law and facts that were overlooked.

 
Whilst the two sides continue with the feuding Botswana Public Sector employees are set for another frustrating period as salary negotiations have been halted.
Ketlhalefile Motshegwa of BOFEPUSU is adamant that President Ian Khama will no repeat the mistake he made last year and declare salary increases.  Khama was last year warned and cautioned to refrain from declaring public servants’ salaries by Lobatse High Court’s Justice Michael Leburu. Leburu stated that Khama and the Directorate on Public Service Director (DPSM) have no power to decide on salary negotiations of public servants and other conditions of service.

 
The High Court ruled that it was unlawful for Khama to vary conditions of service for employees outside the laid down procedure – the Public Service Bargaining Council (PSBC).  The judge said that PSBC was created through an Act of Parliament and only Parliament was empowered to make laws. Leburu also found that Parliament created PSBC for a purpose; which is for negotiations of public servants salaries and conditions of service.  In a separate interview, Tobakani Rari of BOFEPUSU says government has a prerogative of increasing salaries if there is no progress at the PSBC.  “Unfortunately there is going to be a delay in salary negotiations,” Rari said.

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“Completely unprovoked by us, you have openly declared warfare on us and the firm Collins Newman & Co. It is the biggest ‘mistake’ during your lifetime to attempt to destroy our firm and means of livelihood. We are going to punish you heavily, for you are evil with minds which are delusional. In this regard you should expect a letter of demand and a writ of summons for defamation to be served on you tomorrow, and/or days to follow. Make no mistake, my colleagues and me at Collins Newman & Co have worked tirelessly over the years to build a Law Firm and professional reputations beyond reproach.”
This is a copy and paste Short Message Service (SMS) that woke up The Business Weekly & Review Managing Editor Tshireletso Motlogelwa on Tuesday night sent by Collins Newman & Co Managing Partner Parks Tafa.

 
The SMS was a response to a front page story in this publication on High Court Judge Dr Zein Kebonang’s judgment, which basically found Collins Newman & Co to have deliberately “forged” a court  stamp in order to counter a default judgment.
Last week Kebonang delivered a judgment in a court case between Bank of Botswana (BoB) and the defunct Kingdom Bank. In the case, BoB represented by lawyers from Collins Newman & Co, sought to have a default judgment against it overturned and be allowed extra time to submit new papers that oppose that judgment.

Chairperson of Botswana Editors Forum Spencer Mogapi said as an experienced lawyer, Tafa should know the formal procedure to follow if he feels wronged.

In the process, according to Kebonang’s judgement, Collins Newman & Co’s lawyers among them senior partner Rizwan Desai, Senior Associate Dineo Makati-Mpho accompanied by BoB officials led by Deputy Governor Moses Pelaelo hatched an elaborate scheme to mislead, lie and present fraudulent papers to court in order to save their case against the judgement granted EBC Guernsey, one of the creditors of Kingdom Bank.
The Business Weekly & Review reported on the High Court judgment which seemingly enraged Tafa enough to send a threatening SMS to this publication’s editor in the dead of night.

 
This act has been seen in bad light by Botswana Media and Allied Workers Union (BOMAWU) President Phillimon Mmeso. He said the union totally condemned threats issued to media workers, because they are basically an intimidation aimed at gagging the press from reporting on wrongdoings. Mmeso said it was unfortunate in that intimidation like that of Tafa is used especially by those with resources at their disposal, which has become the order of the day even within government.

 
“This is the same Tafa who is a chief legal advisor to the President (Ian Khama), the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and government at large. His actions could not be different from government’s anti-media behavior especially on exposing corruption,” Mmeso said. Chairperson of Botswana Editors Forum Spencer Mogapi said as an experienced lawyer, Tafa should know the formal procedure to follow if he feels wronged. “He could go to court and fairly address the issue and not issue threats,” he said. Mogapi said if this publication has evidence of what they have been reporting on, then the threats should be brushed aside and the newspaper continue informing the nation.

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The economic landscape is experiencing tough financial phenomena that demands tough business decisions. Businesses are downsizing not only from a human resource capacity standpoint, but to the extent of even cutting costs on everyday supplies such as stationary.  The situation is so bad and the first department in businesses that takes a hard knock is marketing and advertising. The irony of it is that it is this particular department that could rescue business from its downward gradient in profits.

 
Unfortunately that is not the case for a majority of the businesses. The question now is: How can marketers do more with the very little resources they have? The answer lies in mobile smartphone applications. In comparison to other advertising media platforms such as television, print, and email, mobile applications are victorious. This is realized through using key considerations such as audience capacity, time-to-customer reach, open rate and target to likely interested parties and most importantly cost. Before we scrutinise each of these elements that make mobile application a preferred communication and advertising medium, it is important to make a quick reflection on the current trends to appreciate the relevance of the mobile phone approach.

The mobile phone has evolved from being a tool of voice and SMS communication to a robust device that enables more convenient trade platform.

 
Have you ever left your house or workplace only to realise that you have forgotten your phone? You get a feeling that you are alienated from the rest of the world and that you will not mind the redundancy of doing the trip twice when making a U-turn to collect it. That goes to show how our mobile phones have become part of us. The mobile phone has evolved from being a tool of voice and SMS communication to a robust device that enables more convenient trade platform such as banking and utilities transactions.
With the smartphone and apps boom, they have become an extension of human life. Today, your average android and apple phones have become more complex that they have more computing power that surpasses those used by NASA when it started sending astronauts to the moon 50 years ago.

 
From a marketing standpoint, surviving the economic rapture and doing more with little, your business needs to consider developing a smartphone application. This suggestion is not limited to large corporation and medium scale enterprises but also small businesses. The wide speculation that commissioning a mobile application developer cost an arm and a leg is a myth with I would like to dismiss. At the end of the day, a worthwhile business expense becomes an investment when the return and benefits surpass the initial cost.
With mobile apps a business can achieve a healthy 1:5 cost to returns ration, depending on the specific industry and the marketing team’s commitment.

The digital era is upon us and this means a more tailored customer experience at a relatively low cost in comparison to alternative communications and advertising in the media.

 
To use an industry specific example let us use an industry vulnerable to recession such as the food and hospitality sector. A restaurant in Gaborone can develop a mobile application with features such as GPS, plug-in, push notifications, food ordering, customer loyalty, coupons, food camera, comment board and social media as well as a tip calculator.
The restaurant could also use features such as GPS that accommodates near field communication. This is used to send push notifications on specials absolutely free to potential customers around your business vicinity. If the restaurateur really wants to be creative, they could use an application to access customers’ photos and share on social media linked with a specific campaign they are running. You could reward the person with the most popular post with meal coupons at your restaurants.

 
Such applications features used in this example could also be extended to the retail industry and all the other businesses that require walk-in customers.
Considering app management, back-end push notification feature allows non-technical people to manage communications with target customers directly using application such as Skipper. In terms of data analysis, there is a back-end feature that also gives the marketing team critical reports with regards to app performance incorporated with google analytics which is designed specifically for the needs of enterprise marketers. It gives better understanding of consumer behavior, getting the right insights, and then providing people with more engaging brand experiences.

 
The digital era is upon us and this means a more tailored customer experience at a relatively low cost in comparison to alternative communications and advertising in the media. If we could see more Botswana businesses taking the digital alternative of smartphone applications, they would be able to do more with less and endure the rapture that has paralysed marketing budgets.

The post Go mobile phone way for effective advertising appeared first on Business Weekly & Review.

Resilience has proven to be a key theme for Stanbic Bank Botswana for the financial year ended December 31, 2015, as the financial institution defies the tough banking climate and produces sound financial results for the period under review.
However, a challenging macro-economic environment – including such aspects as the slowdown in the mining sector, business closures, and challenges in electricity and water supply – culminated in constraining growth in the loan book.

 
“The prevailing low business confidence resulted in a decline in the loan book growth. This has naturally forced the bank to relook at its operational efficiencies and delivery of service to ensure that customers are sustainably delighted,” says Stanbic Bank Botswana Chief Executive Officer Leina Gabaraane.
“It is no longer about the loan size or number of customers but more about the return on assets and the quality of every transaction that the bank enters into,” he says.
The bank’s operating costs increased by 5 percent. This was primarily as the result of investment into technology and building critical staff competencies.

 
Amid all this, the bank elected to focus on operational efficiencies and service excellence; this resulted in a healthy growth of increased transactional volumes and non-interest revenue. These results reflect the exceptional transactional capabilities the bank has acquired since the implementation of the new core banking system in 2013. This system has allowed for the introduction of best-in-class digital value-added services to the market.

It is no longer about the loan size or number of customers but more about the return on assets and the quality of every transaction that the bank enters into.

 
The effective management of impairment was the highlight of the year, due to continued focus on rehabilitation, recoveries and revising risk appetite to align to current difficult market conditions. There were also some improvements in the quality of the loan book and securities held.
The Corporate and Investment Banking (CIB) division continues to provide a strong anchor for operations, generating growth in revenues while the Personal and Business Banking (PBB) unit emerged stronger than in the previous year. This drove the healthy growth of 18 percent in non-interest revenue. While the loan book remained flat year-on-year, there was an enhancement of the risk profile of the book which provides a positive outlook for both units.

 
The collective effort and focus on excellence resulted in the bank posting profit after tax of P132 million. Total income increased to P700 million in 2015, and return on equity increased from 11 percent in 2014 to 14 percent in 2015.
“Although the bank profits have improved, management remains concerned about the prevailing environment which demands continued prudency,” says Gabaraane.
“We remain committed to Botswana and Africa. We continue to move our staff, our customers, our communities and our nation forward. We are resolute in this focus and are pleased with the progress made thus far. We are committed to making progress, real and tangible, as we continue to fortify our customer confidence and improve their banking experience through relevant, innovative banking solutions,” concludes Gabaraane.

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The Law Society Botswana, an independent body tasked with monitoring legal professionals will meet sometime next week to decide on the disciplinary measures they may take against Collins Newman & Co lawyers who were found by High Court Judge Dr Zein Kebonang to have committed fraud and lied under oath.

 
Last week Kebonang delivered a judgement in a court case against Bank of Botswana (BoB) and the defunct Kingdom Bank. In the case, BoB through its lawyers Collins Newman & Co sought to have a default judgment against it overturned and be allowed extra time to submit new papers that opposed it. In the process, according to Kebonang’s judgment, the lawyers among them Senior Partner Rizwan Desai, Senior Associate Dineo Makati-Mpho and officials at the BoB among them Deputy Governor Moses Pelaelo hatched an elaborate scheme to mislead, lie and present fraudulent papers to court in order to save their case against the default judgement granted EBC Guernsey, one of the creditors of Kingdom Bank.

The Law Society of Botswana strives to provide best practices, standards of ethics and information for members of the legal profession.

 
In his judgement, Kebonang said that the conduct of Bokani Machinya deserved to be censored by her peers and accordingly referred her conduct to the law society for investigation.
When contacted, Mpho Rammane, Secretary to Law Society chairman Lawrence Lecha said the council would meet next week to discuss a way forward with regards to the issue, now that the judgment is out.

 
However, Kebonang said it was not the end of the matter. He said Machinya’s footprints in the case were everywhere. “On the record of proceedings before me, it is clear that Mr Pelaelo, Ms Machinya and Mr Totolo (an intern with the law firm) have all lied under oath and opened themselves to perjury,” he said.
Further, he said Machinya as an officer of this court should have known better, while Totolo as a law student should also have had a sixth sense. He said Mr Pelaelo blindly trusted his attorney, ignored all the warning signs and allowed himself to be a victim of the deceit perpetrated by his attorney.

 
The Law Society of Botswana strives to provide best practices, standards of ethics and information for members of the legal profession to improve professional conduct between members, their clients and the public.
In light of these happenings at Collins Newman & Co, which according to the judgement are in contrast with what the law society stands for, it is yet to be seen how the law society will react.

The post Law Society to meet over Collins Newman & Co lawyers’ conduct appeared first on Business Weekly & Review.

•  Central pipeline produces high value stones

Diamond Trading Company Botswana (DTCB) might not have reached maximum sorting and valuing capacity due to low diamond produce brought on its plants by other De Beers gem producing countries but Jwaneng Diamond Mine, an affiliate of the mother company, is the richest by value in the world. What is not generally known is that among the three pipelines being mined there, the central one produces high grade stones.

 
Jwaneng Mine contributes between 60 and 70 percent of De Beers’s total earnings, thanks to the central gem-packed pipeline making the mine worthy of investment for both the country and De Beers. The mine is a 50/50 Botswana and De Beers partnership.
Jwaneng Mine General Manager Albert Milton’s face lights up when he talks about the central pipeline. He refers to it as the “Bank of Botswana”. “The central pipeline contributes billions of Dollars in terms of value,” he states, citing that the pipeline produces high value diamonds unlike the other pipes.

The success of the mine, is not only in the quality gem stones they produce, it is guided by highly qualified Batswana whom he says manage key strategic areas of its operation.

 
Milton is quick to point out that the central pipeline is “important” to the economy of Botswana. However, he does not divulge the amount of contribution it makes due to trade secrets but states that had it been located anywhere else in the world it would have made “headline news”.
Located at the centre of the 2km long Jwaneng Mine, the 410-metre deep pipeline has a long future ahead. The mine can still go to a depth of 1 000m and this shows that it still has a long bright future ahead, according to Milton.

 
Entering into the new era, Milton says in 2018 Cut 8 will become a major source of ore for Debswana Jwaneng Mine. Initially, the project was expected to strip 713 million tonnes of waste in order to expose 75 million tonnes of ore and 95 million carats.
At Jwaneng Mine, the options to extend the life of the open pit beyond Cut 8 are being investigated while plans for a Cut 9 expansion and a possible Cut 10 or underground mine are being evaluated. To obtain information on the resources at depth (beyond 1 000m) a study to evaluate the resources at depth has also been initiated.

 
The success of the mine, according to Milton, is not only in the quality gem stones they produce, it is guided by highly qualified Batswana whom he says manage key strategic areas of its operation. “We have highly skilled locals at operational strategic levels of the mine, highly in demand from other big mining companies from across the world,” Milton said, adding that they contribute immensely to the success of the mine.

The post Jwaneng Mine has a long bright future – GM appeared first on Business Weekly & Review.

It seems like politicians have a tendency of fiddling with people’s private finances as if the taxes extracted from members of the public are not enough. Individuals decide how best to spend their savings; some invest in companies, others in properties and some in farming. However, it seems like those that invest in companies are more prone to interference from politicians.

 
We do understand that there are all sorts of policies in place even though their goals are not as clear as many would like them to be. What Zimbabwe is now doing with its indigenisation programme asking all foreign owned firms to cede majority shareholding to locals is not only unfair but unjust. When economies are stagnant government officials will traverse the breadth of the entire planet trying to lure foreign investors only to turn around and dump them when the tables are turned.

 
It still does not make any sense for Robert Mugabe to go to Japan with the hope of attracting foreign investors while such investors in Zimbabwe face a looming April deadline to cede a majority of their entities to the locals. What if these foreign investors do cede majority shareholding to locals as suggested and an entity then requires a capital injection especially given the current trading environment and the locals do not have any funds left to inject into the business?

Nationalisation, localisation, indigenisation and citizen economic empowerment should not be to the detriment of investors’ funds.

 
What if the locals are attracted to the business due to its profitability but do not share any business philosophy with the current owners? We need to understand that whether inherited or built from ground up businesses belong to individuals and there is nothing stopping any person from establishing their own enterprise if they so wish. However, we should guard against forcing people to make decisions that are not in their best interest or that of the company such as forcing them to employ people they are not comfortable with simply because we are on a localisation drive. Nationalisation, localisation, indigenisation and citizen economic empowerment should not be to the detriment of investors’ funds.

 
If we really want to empower our people maybe we should look into selling all these parastatals that have been more than 20 years and establishing new ones to push the social mandate seeing that the old ones are most likely to be commercially run given the status of the new owners. We have reached a point where even politicians who loot their own coffers would rather have their funds kept safe in some Swiss bank account than invest in their own economies simply because they know that somewhere down the line policies will change which might negatively affect their local investments. Companies, just like cattle or any other property belong to their owners and they are not a piece of pie to be shared among the masses.

The post Politicians should desist from meddling in individuals’ entities appeared first on Business Weekly & Review.

In what is a huge blow and embarrassment to the government, the eagerly anticipated BR Express failed take to the railway line on time, causing multitudes of Batswana to wait in the cold for hours. What’s even worse, some had to wait outside as the waiting rooms at some stations were not in habitable conditions. I must confess that I was also disappointed, but only by very small measure – with so many failed and failing projects, one tends to acquire natural resistance.

 
In situations like this, the norm is for Batswana to rebuke and sulk but quickly revert to their charitable nature of forgive and forget. After all, the pain is little, the train will get back on the rails, and they will experience the gains of BR Express.
There are calls from some quarters that the CEO of Botswana Railways, Dominique Ntwaagae, must resign or be fired.  It is a sensible rule that a leader who fails his organisation must either do the honourable thing – quit or be given the boot. This route helps the organisation to some extent in saving its brand and image. In principle it also enhances the entity’s accountability barometer – that those in leadership will focus on their mandate of delivering services.

 

That is not a culture we have cultivated in our nation and we do not even encourage it.

 
However, that is not a culture we have cultivated in our nation and we do not even encourage it. Rather, that culture is more entrenched with our former colonial powers. We can still learn one or two things from them such as the resignation of British MP Estella Morris’s resignation in 2002.

 
Morris was a minister in the department for education and employment in 1997 and was promoted to secretary of state for education and skills in 2001 under former Britain prime minister Tony Blair. In 1999, while an education minister she promised that she would resign if the government failed to meet its targets on numeracy and literacy in 2002. When the government failed to meet the obligation she did the honourable and stuck to her promise. She resigned in October 2002.

 
In her letter to Blair she wrote: “I’ve learned what I’m good at and also what I’m less good at. I’m good at dealing with the issues and in communicating to the teaching profession. I am less good at strategic management of a huge department and I am not good at dealing with the modern media.”
We are light years away from raising such honest leaders who understand their mandate, rush to accept their mistakes, take responsibility and treat their public functions with such level of seriousness and precision.

 
The only resignation I remember that comes close to an honourable resignation is that of former minister of justice, defence and security Ramadeluka Seretse. He resigned from Cabinet after facing allegations of conflict of interest over procurement of security equipment for the Botswana Police Services. In 2010, he was charged, faced trial and was ultimately acquitted. It comes close to an honourable resignation because though he never disclosed the reasons for his resignation, due to spacial relation and contiguity, one can reasonably infer that it was due to the criminal charges.

 
In 2011, Minister Kenneth Matambo was charged. He did not resign. In fact, the government defended his failure to resign arguing that there was no law that forced him to do so. He too was ultimately acquitted. Spot the inconsistency. Despite the sensitive nature of the two ministries they led, one chose to resign and the government did not say anything to endorse the principle behind his resignation; the other did not resign and the government vehemently defended him.

 
Any calls for Ntwaagae to resign or be terminated, must be on account of a sound principle, or if not, an established practice that our government and those with the authority to terminate Ntwaagae’s job, abide by. We risk selective justice and politicising public offices when we deny citizens’ their wish on the basis of anger and narrow political interests. Do we have such principle or practice?

 
Remember the dark days? In 2012 when the nation lived in the dark and the foreign suppliers of power said their supply of coal was wet, Botswana learnt that it could produce is its own power, supply the whole nation and even sell to others. Tenders were floated and awarded. The project started in 2012. In November 2013, Sunday Standard reported that Morupule B had exploded.  In February 2014, Mmegi reported that Morupule B was shut down.  Had it been the case that we observed the principle of honourable resignations, the minister or BPC CEO at the time should have resigned or been terminated.

 
If you cannot recall the distant incidents I made reference to, there is a more recent one. A few days ago the Minister of Health, Dorcas Makgatho, addressed a press conference at which she informed the nation that blood infected with syphilis had been donated to patients.  She stated that her ministry had taken full responsibility for exposing the infected patients to syphilis and took steps to mitigate the situation.

Dressing her explanation with sophistication, she explained that “the infected blood was mistakenly distributed to the hospitals after a sample mix-up caused by detection faults on a blood capture technology system that was recently adopted by the blood bank”. And she got away with the syphilis-infested blood tank. Batswana forgave and forgot, and never asked for anybody’s head – not even the hospital superintendent, the leader of the institution.

 
Will the minister of transport and communications get away with it if he simply called an impromptu press conference, accepted responsibility, advanced a sophisticated nonsense-laden explanation such as “somehow” the coupling rods and pistons did not pump enough pressure from the gear box which caused the train’s wheels not to respond to the ignition? This will probably not be the case.

 
The event with serious costs is the syphilis-infected blood tank. But in this country, in our warped psyche, the political embarrassment from a train that disappointed a government is bigger than syphilis in blood tanks, do not worry about the resulting threat to life to those infected, do not worry about the possibility that the tanks may not be safe and above all, about the loss of confidence and trust in the health system and the damage that has occurred from international press coverage. The man whose train failed to move must resign, but the woman who exposed the nation to syphilis and succeeded in obtaining some victims must remain. Really why should Mr Ntwaagae resign?

The post Of delayed trains and syphilis infection – which boss messed the most appeared first on Business Weekly & Review.

In his budget speech Minister Kenneth Mat ambo says: “Government will continue to implement public sector reforms” (page 6). While he does not elaborate on “public sector reforms” we know that this regime is ideologically wedded to only one form of public sector reforms, namely moving resources and enterprises from public to private ownership.

 
The Botswana National Front (BNF) is strongly opposed to the policy of privatization of public enterprises. If anything, the BNF will establish even more public enterprises. The minister then goes on to list profit making public enterprises as Botswana Development Corporation, Botswana Telecommunications Corporation Limited, Botswana Communications Regulatory Authority, Botswana Housing Corporation and Botswana Savings Bank. The fact that these corporations are making a profit means that they are “efficient” and therefore do not need to be privatised.

The assessment of public enterprises in terms of whether they make profit is a misleading hallmark of the neo-liberal counter-revolution.

 
The assessment of public enterprises in terms of whether they make profit is a misleading hallmark of the neo-liberal counter-revolution. These state-owned enterprises were not initially set up for purposes of making profit, per se. They were set up primarily to meet the needs of the people and facilitate national development. Some were set up in sectors of the economy not attractive to the private sector or sectors of the economy which have long gestation periods and are therefore not particularly amenable to profit making.

 
The position of the BNF is that the state must pro-actively intervene in certain strategic sectors of the economy. Furthermore, resources that are essential to human life such as water, utilities, sanitation, basic education and communications must not be commoditised. They must always be in the public domain under national control. The danger of placing them under private capital is that if the capitalists realise that they can make more profits in another country they may close shop and relocate to that country leaving the nation stranded, sometimes without informing the government or the workers or even paying them. If these services are provided by the state it cannot run away and the nation can hold them accountable where service delivery is poor and shoddy.

 
State-owned enterprises are the best way of dealing with natural monopolies which require large scale investment e.g. electricity distribution.
If, however, there are compelling reasons for government to give up its control of state-owned enterprises, the BNF suggestion is that it is better to hand them over to public service provision cooperatives rather than the private sector. The BNF has a strong commitment to cooperative development. Cooperatives are better placed to manage public enterprises because they are considered to be in the public interest and are not driven by the profit motive. They are driven by the desire to satisfy the needs of their members.

 

In the USA rural electricity supply cooperatives run more than half of the electricity lines, carrying power to more than 26 million people in 46 states.

 
Public service provision cooperatives are found in countries such as Argentina, Canada, the USA and Finland. In the USA rural electricity supply cooperatives run more than half of the electricity lines, carrying power to more than 26 million people in 46 states. In Canada public service provision cooperatives supply 150 000 households with electricity, gas, telephone services, sewage and water supply. The only challenge is that under the BDP regime cooperatives have not been given the support they deserve.

 
Given that this country is endowed with enormous resources for the generation of electricity – the waters of the Okavango which flow freely throughout the year into the Indian Ocean, the over 200 billion tonnes of coal we are sitting on, the excessive sunshine and plenty of winds, to name but a few, the shortage of electricity epitomises the spectacular failure of the BDP regime. Emphasis must be on renewable sources of energy and every house should be having a solar panel on its roof by now. Huge wind turbines must be used to tap into this natural resource to generate electricity.  Electrification of the entire country, including farms and cattle posts, is a pre-requisite for the development of the country.

 
Such is the incompetence of the BDP regime that it is still struggling with this first step of development 50 years into our independence!
Minister Matambo goes on to list loss-making public enterprises as Water Utilities Corporation, the National Development Bank and the Botswana Meat Commission.  By attributing the losses made by the BMC to “measles outbreak in 2014, and inadequate supply of cattle to the Commission” (page 7) while remaining mum about the corruption visited upon the parastatal by the bourgeoisie, the Minister is being economic with the truth.

 
The BNF position is that loss-making public enterprises must be reformed without being privatised. Some of these enterprises need organisational reform in order to clarify their mandates for us to hold management accountable to well defined mandates and realistic objectives.  Improving the flow of information and the establishment of a single and competently staffed agency dedicated to the supervision and monitoring of these enterprises might be another solution.

When the Department of Water Affairs provided water to rural communities there was relative efficiency but when Water Utilities Corporation took over they seemed to be overwhelmed by their new mandate.

 
When the Department of Water Affairs provided water to rural communities there was relative efficiency but when Water Utilities Corporation took over they seemed to be overwhelmed by their new mandate. They also blundered by selling water as a commodity and service delivery plummeted until we found ourselves subjected to water rationing in the southern part of the country. Privatisation of water systems in the developing countries has always been an unmitigated disaster for the ordinary people.  Part of the solution to the water crisis is to make water a basic right of every citizen exempted from capitalist profit-making.

 
The Minister observes that: “The level of the country’s foreign exchange reserves stood at P84.9 billion in December 2015” and adds that “This represents an equivalent of 19 months of import cover of goods and services”  (page 5). No rationale is given for this conservative policy of keeping huge amounts of money stashed in foreign banks when the country is bedevilled by a litany of problems.
The long-standing BNF position on foreign reserves is that the amount the country keeps should be enough to cover three or four months of import cover, as most economists advise. The rest of the revenue should be used to tackle the myriad of development problems that bedevil the country.

 
Matambo concedes that: “The country is currently faced with water and electricity challenges” (page 8) while on page 12 he alludes to “the declining education performance”.  Still on page 12 the minister says “an early Childhood Policy Framework will be developed in partnership with the United Nations Children’s Fund’. The use of the word ‘will’ is indicative of a government which lacks a sense of urgency on matters of national importance. Given that pre-primary enrolment statistics were estimated at an abysmal 18.9 percent in 2010/11 the minister’s statement is disappointing. On children with access to pre-school education Botswana is beaten by other middle income countries – Jamaica at 113 percent, Costa Rica 72 percent and South Africa 65 percent. Pre-primary education continues to be a privilege enjoyed by children of the rich and this only helps to widen the gap between the rich and poor.

 

The BNF believes in the right of every child to 12 years of school base on the theory of education production, including two years of pre-school education.

 
The BNF believes in the right of every child to 12 years of school base on the theory of education production, including two years of pre-school education. The position of the BNF is that the provision of pre-primary education for all children will not only help bridge the gap between the haves and have-nots and raise the quality of education but it will release women from their enslavement in the hearth so that they can pursue carriers hitherto dominated by men.

 
The development of a country is impossible without the bridge-head of physical and social infrastructure – roads, telecommunications network, railways, schools and hospitals.  What we find astonishing is that 50 years into our ‘independence’ the BDP regime is still struggling to provide the nation with appropriate infrastructural development. Fifty years is long enough for the country to be on the third or fourth level of development – having successfully developed consumer goods industries, capital goods industries and moving towards the production of electronic goods and services.

 
The BNF believes that unless and until the country clearly identifies and actively supports national strategic industries and protects infant industries   that help grow the economy and employ many of our workers Botswana is doomed to remain stuck at step one  of providing infrastructural development. The BDP’s fixation with the notion of the private sector as the engine of development is naive and problematic. Statements like “The private sector plays a key role in the delivery of development programmes” are as ill-advised as they are misguided. How can a private sector driven by cut-throat competition and the profit motive play a key role in development?

 
There are many instances where the private sector kills more jobs than it creates because of the quest for profits. Botswana is the leading producer of diamond by value in the world and yet this industry employs only 6 000 workers thanks to profit maximisation by De Beers through capital intensive production methods. Compare that to India which has no diamond mines but employs a million people in the diamond industry.

 
It is deeply disappointing that 50 years into the country’s ‘independence the Minister still makes a statement like “Other initiatives include exploring the possibilities of accessing water from … the Chobe-Zambezi area”. We are not told how long the regime will take ‘exploring’ the possibilities of accessing the Chobe-Zambezi area. Considering the growing shortage of rainfall as a result of global warming and the fact that the BNF has been calling for the use of the waters of the Okavango for irrigation purposes for the past 50 years, the regime’s lack of sure-footedness is alarming, to say the very least.

In Botswana we have yet to see bold steps designed to address the growing water crisis.

 
In Botswana we have yet to see bold steps designed to address the growing water crisis.  Other semi-arid countries like Libya have developed long term water development projects. Libya’s water development project has been added to the Guinness Book of Records as one of the wonders of the world or the biggest civil engineering project ever undertaken in human history.  It is high time Botswana considered buying water from the DRC which is blessed with huge rivers. The water pipes would be buried underground, and if need be, our soldiers can be deployed to look after them.

 
Matambo says that “Government approved the Strategy on Private Sector Participation in Land Servicing in April’ (page 13). You cannot accelerate land servicing by adding another layer of capitalists to this important and urgent task. By roping in the private sector the BDP regime will make it harder for people to enjoy their basic right to shelter and only serve to deepen the housing crisis.
An average BHC house costs a whopping P500 000 – well beyond the wages of the average worker. The involvement of the private sector will almost definitely escalate the costs of housing.

 
From the point of view of the BNF the best way of lowering the costs of housing is, firstly, to declare housing as a basic human right not open to capitalist profit making. Secondly, the state must assume primary responsibility for housing provision. Thirdly, the fact that land is a commodity bought and sold on the market at artificially high prices in towns compounds the problem and makes it impossible for the majority of the people earning low wages to have any realistic hope of ever owning homes of their own.
Private ownership of land must be prohibited and all citizens given usufructuary rights. Fourthly, the provision of housing for all must be diversified to include housing cooperatives, building cooperatives, trade unions, employers, the brigades and economically and politically empowered and decentralised councils as well as a restructured BHC.

 
The fact that the Matambo unashamedly states that “cash allowances were increased effective from April 2015 as follows: old age pensions allowances increased from P300 to P330; world war veterans allowances increased from P420 to P450; while destitute person’s allowance was increased from P120 to P150” is not only mean and penny-pinching, but an outright insult to the people concerned. How can an upper middle income country celebrate ludicrous increases of P30 while this very budget is going to put millions of Pula into the pockets of a number of individual exploiters?

For instance, the massive allocation of P3.59 billion to the Ministry of Defence and Security is an excuse for transferring the country’s hard earned revenue into the pockets of individuals who corruptly enjoy exclusive access to BDF tenders.  The P1.41 billion allocated to Ministry of Transport and Communications to “cater for construction of secondary roads, bridges, bitumen and trunk roads” (p.18) will obviously line the pockets of  mainly foreign capitalists in the construction sector who dominate all big government tenders. And the minister is silent on how many jobs will be created and what he is going to do about the starvation wages they earn. How many of the millions from this budget will end up in the private bank accounts of the unaccountable DIS operatives?

 

There is complete silence about transactional monopolies that haemorrhage billions of Pula of this country through tax evasion and transfer prizing.

 
For him to celebrate the negligible  P30 increase of the miserly allowances of the poverty stricken recipients of government hand-outs without telling the nation how many millions of Pula his budget is going to put into the private bank accounts of individual capitalists is not only disingenuous but obfuscation, par excellence.  There is complete silence about transactional monopolies that haemorrhage billions of Pula of this country through tax evasion and transfer prizing.

 
Wilderness Safari is one of the culprits and some people of high standing in society are shareholders in this company. It is reported that De Beers’s tax evasion costs this country no less than P10 billion per year and the minister is remarkably silent on this massive theft by the rich. The BNF’s comprehensive social security welfare programme will address the needs of the poor and underprivileged, including the payment of unemployment benefits.

 
Matambo makes this utterly disappointing statement: The tourism sector has the potential to contribute positively to growth and job creation in the country” (page 10).  Firstly, we are not told why 50 years into our independence we are still talking about tourism’s potential to create jobs. Secondly, we are not told when this potential will be realised. Thirdly, we are also not told what the costs to the country are in terms of lost jobs and revenues repatriated to other countries from the exploitation of our own resources by foreign safari companies and foreign tourists and investors.

 
Using the example of the Okavango Delta Professor Mbaiwa demonstrates clearly that the tourism sector is under foreign ownership and opportunities for employing Batswana and growing the economy are being squandered. The tourism sector does not contribute to poverty alleviation and has no backward and forward linkages to the rest of the economy. High paying managerial posts are dominated by foreigners. International tourists who dominate this industry make their bookings and payments for tourism services in Washington, Frankfurt, London, Pretoria, Johannesburg and other foreign cities and are then transported by international airlines to hotels and enclave resorts controlled by foreigners. Hence very little tourist revenue accrues to the country.

At the end of their stay Air Botswana, lacking an international airliner, only takes them to Johannesburg hence the bulk of their travel money remains in their countries of origin. Foreign investors and companies are involved in 73 percent (11) of the 15 concession areas leased by the Tawana Land Board. Up to 85 percent of the tourism companies registered in Maun and the Delta are foreign owned. In 1997, a total of 70 percent of the tourism revenue generated was repatriated outside Botswana while only 29 percent remained in the country. Put differently, of the P1.2 billion made in that year a massive P605 million accrued to foreigners, while only P320 million was spent in the country.

And of the 70 tourism companies listed under the Hotel and Tourism Association of the Botswana (HATAB) in 1999 only 23 of them were liable to pay tax in Botswana. What we find equally disturbing is that the Minister presiding over this neo-colonial tourism, Tshekedi Khama, is nursing ambitions of becoming the next president of Botswana! The BNF will have to nationalise this neo-colonial tourism industry for our natural resources to begin to create jobs for Batswana and for more revenue to accrue to this country.

Matambo is virtually mealy-mouthed about the much vaunted Economic Stimulus Package (ESP) because it has been highjacked from his office by the giant octopus called the Office of the President.

 
Not surprisingly, Matambo is virtually mealy-mouthed about the much vaunted Economic Stimulus Package (ESP) because it has been highjacked from his office by the giant octopus called the Office of the President. And yet on page 15 the Minister makes some flimsy statement to the effect that “the implementation of the ESP will be done prudently to ensure continued fiscal sustainability”.  There is no elaboration on how “continued fiscal sustainability’ will be ensured. If the ESP has been taken over by the Office of the President instead of being housed in the Ministry of Finance where it rightly belongs, and the usual government tendering procedures have been subverted and bypassed it is difficult to persuade Batswana that there will ‘strict discipline’ and ‘continued fiscal sustainability’ in the implementation of ESP. On the contrary, there is likely to be unprecedented looting of the national coffers by the comprador bourgeoisie and their hangers-on.

 
The Minister says ‘ERSP is embarking on fast-tracking backlog eradication, which covers construction of classrooms, staff quarter, and customary courts; upgrading of health faculties; and rural electrification’ (page 9). We all know that all big projects are dominated by foreign companies and the bulk of this money will end up in foreign hands while Batswana companies are shunted to building toilets and workers are paid starvation wages.

 
The Minister alludes to some green shoots of  recovery by forecasting that  ‘a modest recovery in the domestic economy is expected in 2016, and with growth rates projected to be 4.2% and 4.3%, respectively, underpinned by recovery in both the mining and non-mining’  (page 4). In our view even if there is economic recovery opportunities for greater revenue generation for the country, employment and  poverty eradication  for communities in around the mining areas will continue to be lost through wrong and  misguided policies of the BDP regime.

The abject poverty of people living in an around the mining areas speaks volumes about the failed policies of the BDP regime. Think about Basarwa of Metsi-a-ela in Letlhakeng living in abject poverty right in the middle of about five diamond mines. Imagine the criminal forced eviction of Basarwa from CKGR, without compensation, to prevent them from claiming any mineral royalties from the diamond mining on their ancestral homeland. These BDP policies are completely outdated and the BNF shall overhaul them, root stem and branch.

Companies that have benefited so much from our recourses will be required to make significant contributions to corporate social responsibility.

 
Guided by the International Council on Mining and Metals (ICMM),  ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People,  the Benchmarks Foundation, the experiences of  the mutually beneficial relationship between Bafokeng and Impala Platinum company in South Africa as well as the experiences of  Northern America and Canada, the BNF shall carry out a fundamental  restructuring of the relationship between mining companies and communities directly and indirectly impacted by mining. The BNF will encourage communities to negotiate the terms and conditions under which mineral development will take place on their land. The BNF will fundamentally redefine the relationship between companies and local communities based on mutual respect and mutual benefit as well as meaningful engagement through all the phases of the mining project life cycle, from prospecting through to closure and reclamation.

At the profit-making phase communities affected by mining must be entitled to mineral royalties. That means that on the boards of De Beers in the Ngwaketse and Boteti areas, for example, local communities must be represented to be part of the decision-making processes.  Mining companies will be obliged to compensate for the land, grazing areas and the water they have taken away from communities. For instance, the people of Maboane have a water crisis caused by the De Beers boreholes in the area and yet under the BDP regime the company is not obliged to compensate the people of this village. Mining companies must employ or train workers from those communities.

 
Companies that have benefited so much from our recourses will be required to make significant contributions to corporate social responsibility. These changes will contribute significantly to employment creation and improvement of the material lives of communities directly and indirectly impacted by mining. According to David van Wyk it is disturbing to note that in 2007 De Beers made a profit of P18 billion but only contributed 9 million, (which is an infinitesimal 0.05%),  as corporate social responsibility to a country that gives them 3/4 of their profits. Clearly De Beers is not a good corporate citizen.

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It is said that the angel of death visited a very wealthy merchant one calm Sunday morning. Upon realising that death had come for him the man immediately jumped on his horse and fled to a faraway place as fast as he could. However, as he rode he kept on wondering why death seemed surprised to see him. It bothered him that the angel of death looked at him as if he was not expecting to see him, but he pushed the thought out of his mind and urged his horse on.

 
At six o’clock that evening the rich merchant rode into a small town but alas he found the angel of death waiting for him. This time he had nowhere to run. In his final words he asked the angel of death why he seemed so surprised to see him earlier that day. The angel replied that it was because he was wondering what he was still doing at his shop when they had an appointment at the small town at the exact spot and moment. So death was pleased for the merchant had kept his appointment.

While the man thought he was running away from death he was in fact running fleeing towards it without knowing he was in a hurry to keep his appointment.

 
While the man thought he was running away from death he was in fact running fleeing towards it without knowing he was in a hurry to keep his appointment. Death is inevitable, there is nothing we can do about it, and my turn will come so will yours. Nothing is more relentless and certain death. However, we must not just wait for our turn in resignation; we must do our best to use our lives to do something that will outlast it.
Granted we have been given life, even though we did not ask for it, we just found ourselves here.

Your part of the bargain is to ask yourself its meaning, why you were born and why the angel of death has not visited you yet; why has your life been spared? How is your life benefitting humanity in the grand scheme of things? If you were to convince the angel of death to instead go next door what argument would you advance? You must believe in the beauty of the purpose of your life for nothing else is more empowering than a life spent with meaning. Of course you have heard it said before that you must figure this purpose thing out. Yes, you must figure that out; not only because it will help you live a more productive and fulfilling life but also because will help keep the angel of death at bay.

 
It has been established that senior citizens who retire to sit at home doing nothing usually die within five years of retirement while those that keep on working live longer irrespective of their health conditions. Perhaps it is not just work that makes them live longer but the feeling of usefulness and social contribution. The feeling that their lives matter and that through work they are making a difference  in the communities where they work and live is the most empowering and inspiring feeling in the world.

 
Studies on longevity have revealed that those that live long are not necessarily spared life’s excruciatingly painful and threatening challenges. They have their fair share just like everybody else. However, the common denominator among those who survive life’s tragedies is the feeling that they still have something to live for. This unique sense of
mission and heart-felt purpose imbues them with an obligation to survive so that they can help their families and communities in the future.

We survive life’s tragic events not just because of our desire to do so but also because of the collective will and support of the people we are connected to.

 
We survive life’s tragic events not just because of our desire to do so but also because of the collective will and support of the people we are connected to. Chances are high that if you live a purposeful life you will form strong social bonds that inevitably act as a form of insurance against an early death. Perhaps this is why women outlive men in most communities across the world. We know very well that women are often the centre of gravity not only for their families but their communities as well.

 
Perhaps you do not want to live long, but however long you wish to, I will assume that one of the things you desire is a good quality life. You must understand that quality life comes from the strength of the questions you ask yourself. You cannot ask or place upon yourself mediocre questions and demands if you want to have a life of quality. You must ask yourself tough questions that most people do not ask themselves. You are meant to think about how you want to live and I am amazed at how often most of us ignore that.
We trudge along the path we find ourselves on because we blindly accept the reality we term life. Instead of thinking we depend on instinct and perhaps hand-out habits we inherited from our clan.

 
If your life is to be of any good at all then you must question this reality we call life. You must question the assumptions you have made about yourself, your possibilities and your limitations. It is through this type of questioning that you will begin to expand a sense of what is truly possible in your life. Yes, you will ask yourself questions but without purpose they will at best be shallow. With a strong purpose you will dig for a deeper understanding of  life and demand a deeper knowledge of your capabilities and powers beyond the surface. So once again I ask: Why are you here and why are you still alive.

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•  Acquires property in Cape Town
•  Company eyes African expansion
•  Property portfolio grows to P1 billion

A Botswana Stock Exchange (BSE) listed property firm, RDC properties, has announced it has successful raised rights issues to P231.1 million which was concluded in November 2015. According to Executive Chairperson Guido Giachetti, the money has placed the company in a strong position to expand into the region with specific focus on Mozambique, Namibia and South Africa.

 
As part of the regional expansion drive, Giachetti said that the shareholders agreement had been signed for the acquisition of a 45 percent stake in Braccobaldo 1 (Proprietary) Limited (BR1), subject to regulatory approval. “The company will acquire the shares in BR1 principally through a loan of R18.2 million (an equivalent of P13 million),” he said.

 
BR1, a South African company, will develop a large hotel in Queen Victoria Street in the heart of the Cape Town CBD. The R18.2 million will be advanced to fund the project.
“We also have exciting prospects in Mozambique and Namibia,” he added, without giving details of how much ground had been covered in those two countries. The chairman announced this in the company’s latest financial results for the year ending December 31, 2015.

Chobe Marina Lodge is also performing exceptionally well. This is due to the management team of the hotel and to the refurbishment carried out in 2014.

 
The results reflected a solid revenue growth of 11 percent which closed the year at P86.9 million. Growth in revenue was pushed by Masa Centre’s occupancy rate. Masa Centre vacancy dropped to 1 percent of total lettable area which is down from 10 percent in the previous reporting period. Giachetti said that Lansmore Masa Square Hotel had been under new management since April 2015 and was now trading as Masa Square Hotel.  He said the new management company is the same one that runs the highly successful Chobe Marina Lodge in Kasane. Further, the real estate group is hopeful that with the completion of Masa Suites it will see an increase in value.

 
“These beautifully furnished suites will be marketed by the Masa Square Hotel and we look forward to welcoming the first guests in early April 2016,” he said, bragging that Masa Square Hotel continues to be, arguably, the most sought after business hotel in Gaborone.

 
Chobe Marina Lodge is also performing exceptionally well. This is due to the management team of the hotel and to the refurbishment carried out in 2014. RDC said it was satisfied with the demand for the newly completed Gaborone West warehouses.  To further the company’s value, work will be starting on 45 new RDC residential flats to be added to this prime property as a way of diversifying. The investment and property portfolio grew 16 percent to P1.1 billion, driven by Masa Centre and Chobe Marina Lodge, as well as the acquisition of the RDC flats. However, profit after tax slowed down marginally by a 1 percent to close at P100.5 million.

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•  Rail coaches ordered on Minister Mabeo’s whim
•  Water instead of diesel in jinxed train

The new model of BR Express coaches procured by Botswana Railways from Transnet was actually an experimental project by Transnet because Minister of Transport and Communications Tshenolo Mabeo who seemingly believed they were a unique design by the South African parastal company. Addressing a group of journalist Mabeo, who seemed concerned about the bad image portrayed by the malfunctioning BR Express, said that government engaged several consultants to advice Botswana Railways (BR) on the best way to procure the coaches and how they should be manufactured.   Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Dominic Ntwaagae said one of the companies, Sea Rail, was engaged as consultants that recommended this new model which Transnet had never manufactured before.
The Business Weekly & Review asked Mabeo whether government did not put pressure on Transnet to deliver the coaches before they were complete, also given that the design was new and unfamiliar to the company, so as to appease the citizenry who were promised the train would be on track by December last year, he said that there was no pressure, but rather that when Transnet won the tender last year it was clear as to when the coaches would be made and the cost implications had been finalised
However, Transnet Engineering Chief Executive Thamsanqa Jiyane was quoted in the media saying that were it not for the peculiar designs that BR requested on the coaches, his company would have completed and delivered the coaches by January this year.

A team of Transnet personnel flew to Francistown where they attended the train since any fault would contractually be fixed within the two-year warranty plan.

He added that the agreement was that Transnet was to deliver the 37 coaches at a cost of P180 million,  22 of which were delivered this month while the agreement further gave Transnet an allowance to deliver the remaining 15 first class coaches by next month.
After the first unsuccessful tendering process for the supply of passenger train coaches, Transnet Engineering, an engineering division of Transnet SOC Ltd based in South Africa, won the tender to supply BR with passenger train coaches in the second selective tendering.
Transnet Engineering comprises a group of product focused businesses in manufacture, upgrading conversion, repair and maintenance of railway rolling stock as well as spares and associated transport equipment. Through its seven well-equipped, ISO certified factories and workforce of 14 500 qualified personnel; Transnet Engineering extends its railway customer portfolio to Africa and other parts of the world.
However, a day after the passenger train was re-introduced, technical challenges surfaced, which Mabeo said were a result of contamination of diesel, after it was discovered that water was poured into the fuel tank.  The technical defaults led to engine failure. He said the train also experienced power challenges with the generator van, which was supposed to supply the procured coaches with electrical power for all their components.
Mabeo said a team of Transnet personnel flew to Francistown where they attended the train since any fault would contractually be fixed within the two-year warranty plan. He said that for the next two years, BR Express would be in a commissioning stage, in which BR is supposed to operate the train and determine if there is any default for the manufacturer to fix.

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